Entradas etiquetadas como Estados Unidos

Posponen sentencia de hijo de Pepe Lobo

Por: Redacción CRITERIO redaccion@criterio.hn

Tegucigalpa.- Los abogados Fabio Porfirio Lobo, hijo del ex “presidente” de Honduras, Porfirio Lobo Sosa, han pedido reprogramar la audiencia condenatoria para su representado, que tendría lugar en Manhattan. Al no tener suficientes pruebas para presentar su defensa y miedo a que a Fabio Lobo le apliquen la máxima pena, los […]

Origen: Posponen sentencia de hijo de Pepe Lobo – CRITERIO

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Migración en Honduras adquiere características de expulsión

Origen: http://conexihon.hn/site/noticia/derechos-humanos/derechos-humanos-migración/migración-en-honduras-adquiere-caracter%C3%ADsticas

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The U.S. Spends Millions Funding Central America’s Drug War. A New Report Says It Hasn’t Worked

Militarized law enforcement may have done more damage to human rights than it has to crime rates.

Origen: The U.S. Spends Millions Funding Central America’s Drug War. A New Report Says It Hasn’t Worked

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U.S. Special Operations in Latin America: Parallel Diplomacy?

Documents Show Special Ops Training in the Region Tripled From 2007 to 2014 By Sarah Kinosian, WOLA Program Officer and Adam Isacson, WOLA Senior Associate The U.S. military’s most elite forces have been increasing their deployments across the globe, and Latin America and the Caribbean are no exception. But as Special Operations Forces activity grows, […]

Origen: U.S. Special Operations in Latin America: Parallel Diplomacy? – WOLA

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Militares de Honduras son los más entrenados por EE.UU.

Documentan un incremento en las misiones de fuerzas de operaciones de EUA en LA.Militares de Honduras son los más entrenados.

Origen: Militares de Honduras son los más entrenados por EE.UU.

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Have US-Funded CARSI Programs Reduced Crime and Violence in Central America?

This report examines the data collected during the LAPOP study and subjects them to a number of statistical tests. The authors find that the study cannot support the conclusion that the areas subject to treatment in the CARSI programs showed better result

Origen: Have US-Funded CARSI Programs Reduced Crime and Violence in Central America?

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La Alianza para la Prosperidad, un «deja vú» para el triángulo norte

Tegucigalpa. Esta semana se dio la visita en Tegucigalpa del senador del Estado de la Florida y ex precandidato presidencial de los Estados Unidos por el partido republicano, Marco Rubio, quien anunció que continuará apoyando los procesos de reformas institucionales en Honduras a través del Plan Alianza para la Prosperidad. «Hemos visto cómo la cooperación […]

Origen: http://elpulso.hn/la-alianza-para-la-prosperidad-un-deja-vu-para-el-triangulo-norte/

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Los impactos en Honduras de la ”Ley Berta Cáceres para los Derechos Humanos”

Honduras se enfrenta a consecuencias internacionales debido al asesinato de la activista Berta Cáceres y la violencia y la represión estatal a lo largo del país.

 Congresistas de los Estados Unidos introdujeron la “Ley Berta Cáceres para los Derechos Humanos,” en junio pasado, con el objetivo de que cese la ayuda militar y policial a Honduras, decisión que también debe abarcar que los organismos multilaterales que lo hacen con el aval de EUA, no puedan otorgar préstamos relacionados con este financiamiento mientras esta disposición esté en vigencia o haya cesado porque el gobierno hondureño ha castigado a los responsables materiales e intelectuales del crimen contra Berta Cáceres, asesinada el 03 de marzo de 2016 y centenares de asesinatos y otros abusos cometidos por la policía y el ejército en Honduras.

Los congresistas estadounidenses tras una serie de argumentaciones documentadas del por qué se debe suspender la ayuda a la policía y al ejército de Honduras, señalan en cuanto al crimen contra Cáceres que existen “serias dudas en cuanto al papel de los militares hondureños en su asesinato, incluyendo la cadena de mando dentro de las fuerzas armadas, así como la identidad de los verdaderos autores intelectuales del asesinato.”

Aunque Ebal Díaz, asesor del presidente Juan Orlando Hernández señaló que hay un juego político en la presentación de la iniciativa de los parlamentarios de USA y que “nosotros seguimos creyendo que los militares deben participar en la seguridad del país,” el mandatario Hernández se vio obligado a viajar al país del norte para tratar de convencer que está haciendo grande logros en materia de derechos humanos para que no le quieten los fondos.

Esta importante iniciativa de Ley de los congresistas deja de manifiesto que la campaña mediática interna del presidente Hernández en cuanto la situación de los derechos humanos en Honduras y el castigo a los culpables de crímenes contra defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos, ha fracasado fuera del país, porque Honduras está siendo vista tal como es, un país donde no se aplica el peso de la Ley cuando se trata de militares y policías a quienes les benefician con sobreseimientos.

La situación en materia de derechos humanos en Honduras es cada vez más peligrosa para quienes defienden estos derechos fundamentales, el informe de la Comisión Interamericana de derechos humanos, CIDH, así lo revela después de que este organismo visitó el país el año pasado.

Es muy importante señalar que este clima de riesgo tiene una relación directa con la forma en que se conduce el sistema de justicia en Honduras donde los operadores de justicia solamente funcionan para criminalizar la defensade los derechos humanos y no actúan contra quienes cometen las violaciones a éstos.

La estigmatización y el irrespeto de la labor de derechos humanos desde las estructuras de poder y de los cuerpos de seguridad del Estado cuando son enviados a reprimir las protestas de ciudadanos y ciudadanas que reclaman derechos, juega un papel bastante peligroso cuando se llega a escenas donde hay represión policial y militar.

Me tocó vivir recientemente un episodio tan violento contra estudiantes en la universidad nacional que reclaman su derecho a la educación, allí llegó la policía a desalojar violentamente a jóvenes a quienes sacaron con la fuerza de los fusiles cuando mantenían una toma pacífica.

Llegamos varios defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos cuando las fuerzas del orden estaban tratando de lanzar gases lacrimógenos en un espacio tan pequeño donde se encontraban los estudiantes , cuando les dijimos a los elementos policiales que respetaran los derechos humanos, un juez ejecutor enviado por un tribunal manifestó “saquenme a esta gente de aquí” y los policías arremetieron contra quienes estábamos allí haciendo nuestra labor por los derechos humanos, nos empujaron con los escudos y toletes, algunos fueron golpeados, a mí me estrellaron contra una pared y la agresividad era tal que temí fueran a hacernos algo fatal.

Así funciona la policía y el ejército cuando traen orden de desalojos violentos son sordos a las peticiones. En los últimos días también ha ocurrido contra varias personas que defienden su derecho legítimo a circular libremente, pero que este derecho es limitado con el establecimiento del pago de peajes en distintas zonas del país. La gente se ha rebelado contra esta medida y a cambio no ha recibido respuestas sino represión.

Este panorama se va a ir agudizando en la medida que las presiones sociales por demanda de derechos también se incrementen. Además de la proximidad de las elecciones generales en Honduras las cuales se realizarán en el 2017, sumado al hecho de que hay aires reeleccionistas del actual presidente Juan Orlando Hernández.

Habrá represión para rato, más agudizada que en el 2013 cuando el actual presidente participó en las elecciones generales, donde se denunció que existió unfraude electoral.

Si se aprobara la Ley Bertha Cáceres el Estado de Honduras para poder echarla abajo tendría que demostrar que en verdad está combatiendo la impunidad castigando a militares y policías involucrados en abusos contra los derechos humanos.

Los ciudadanos y ciudadanas les queda seguir presionando porque sus derechos sean respetados, que no existe un obstáculo para ejercerlos y que quienes quieran obstruir esta labor tengan consecuencias, si el miedo nos inunda perderemos.

Fuente:

Between Bullets and Censorship. A column by Dina Meza. http://www.sampsoniaway.org/fearless-ink/2016/08/15/los-impactos-en-honduras-de-la-ley-berta-caceres-para-los-derechos-humanos/

Origen: Los impactos en Honduras de la ”Ley Berta Cáceres para los Derechos Humanos”

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“EEUU deportó a mi primo de 12 años y ahora las pandillas quieren matarlo”

En lo que va de año, EEUU ha detenido en su frontera a cerca de 26.000 menores centroamericanos que viajaban solos, según un nuevo informe de UnicefUnicef denuncia que estos niños no tienen acceso a abogados de oficio en EEUU, tienen más posibilidades de ser deportados aunque “corren el riesgo de ser asesinados” en sus paísesA Nakisha, de 15 años, la deportaron junto con su primo: “Él era pandillero, y tiene solo 12 años. Ahora lo están buscando para matarlo”

Origen: “EEUU deportó a mi primo de 12 años y ahora las pandillas quieren matarlo”

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La campaña presidencial en EEUU y su conexión con Honduras

Los estrategas políticos de la señora Hillary Clinton están utilizando al senador por Virginia, Tim Kaine, para tratar de lavar la imagen golpista de su candidata.

Presentan a Kaine como uno de los nuestros, un ex misionero jesuita que aprendió español en nueve meses en El Progreso, Yoro, y quien declara que este país le cambió la vida desde los 22 años.

La intención es humanizar la campaña racista de Trump, que ataca a cualquier minoría que se mueve en su territorio.

La intención también es humanizar la presencia siniestra de Hillary en el escenario hondureño.

La Clinton, sin dudas, jugó sucio hace siete años contra la sociedad hondureña. Decía que condenaba el golpe, mientras hundía a Zelaya desde el Departamento de Estado.

Los centenares de correos electrónicos liberados por Weekeliks retratan a una mujer del Tea Party, una política obediente de los poderes ocultos de Washington que impulsaron el golpe de Estado.

Puede verse con claridad a una demócrata sin talante democrático, a una feminista neoliberal sin comprensión de las madres migrantes que reclaman su derecho a permanecer con sus hijos en Estados Unidos.

Hillary, como Trump, representan la unidad de intereses con las transnacionales estadounidenses que apuntalan la dictadura continuista del modelo minero, represador, militarista y vendepatria de Honduras.

Ellos dos apoyan la determinación del Partido Nacional de imponerse sin Carías en el continuismo neoliberal salvaje. Apoyan la policía y al ejército contra la población. Y no les importa realmente la violencia ni la inseguridad, les importan los intereses de la Texaco, la Estándar, American Pacific, las textileras y los carteles de las mafias organizadas.

En honor a la verdad, a ninguna de esas candidaturas les importa la dignidad de 40 millones de inmigrantes latinoamericanos que hablan español en sus casas y que se ven obligados a expresarse en inglés en las calles y empleos, para no ser excluidos.

Como dice Julian Assange, el fundador de WikiLeaks, no hay diferencia entre ellos, es como si uno preguntara qué prefiere: chancro o gonorrea. Y la respuesta es obvia: ninguna de las dos.

Es por esta razón que nos parece digna la publicación del padre Ismael Moreno, sacerdote jesuita de El Progreso, Yoro, en su página de facebook.

Dice el padre Melo que “diversos datos, informes y análisis me llevan a lanzar la sospecha de que a Honduras la usan para todo. En esta ocasión nuestro país parece estar siendo utilizado como parte de la campaña proselitista que conducirá a la elección de un nuevo gobierno en Estados Unidos”.

El padre Melo cita de modo directo un artículo muy mal hecho y con clara tendencia proselitista publicado recientemente en el New York Time, por una señora vinculada a la estrategia de campaña gringa a favor del continuismo en Honduras, y quien trata de humanizar la violencia que financia el gobierno estadounidense.

El artículo dice que Honduras ya no es el país violento, inseguro y empobrecido que era hace tres años, gracias a la ayuda de Estados Unidos y a su alianza con el gobierno de Juan Orlando Hernández.

Melo pregunta a sus lectores si creen que esa afirmación es así en la realidad, y enseguida afirma que “nunca Honduras había sido nombrado tantas veces por los gringos como en esta ocasión, como si fuese trofeo de una guerra que ellos mismos provocaron, han mantenido y seguirán sosteniendo mientras siga el aval a la mafia que actualmente utiliza nuestro Estado como estricto negocio”.

Y lo peor de esta campaña sucia es que utilizan a un misionero jesuita que llegó a Honduras en 1980 para aprender español y que ahora es el candidato a vicepresidente en la fórmula Clinton.

Pero no, señores, ustedes pueden mantener la dictadura democrática de nacionalistas y liberales mientras estabilizan el golpismo de 2009, pero aquí bien sabemos quiénes son. Y en el momento de la tribulación, el pueblo sabe dónde están.

Origen: http://defensoresenlinea.com/la-campana-presidencial-en-eeuu-y-su-conexion-con-honduras/

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La pareja presidencial y la gente – 18 Agosto 2016

Origen: La pareja presidencial y la gente – 18 Agosto 2016

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Should the U.S. Still Be Sending Military Aid to Honduras?

Some observers hope that the murder of the activist Berta Cáceres will spur the U.S. to decrease its support for the embattled Central American nation.

Origen: Should the U.S. Still Be Sending Military Aid to Honduras? – The New Yorker

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Blood in Honduras, Silence in the United States

Honduran indigenous and environmental rights leader Berta Cáceres, who was assassinated by masked gunmen in the spring, had long lived under the shadow of threats, harassment, and intimidation. The slain leader of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH) was gunned down in her home in La Esperanza on March 3 after months of escalating threats. She was killed, it appears, for leading effective resistance to hydroelectric dam projects in Honduras, but she understood her struggle to be global as well. For Cáceres, the fight to protect the sacred Gualcarque River and all indigenous Lenca territory was the frontline in the battle against the unbridled transnational capitalism that threatens her people. She felt that as goes the Gualcarque River, so goes the planet. Her assassination sent shockwaves through the Honduran activist community: if an internationally-acclaimed winner of the Goldman Environmental Prize can be slain, there is little hope for anyone’s safety.

The Agua Zarca Dam, which put Cáceres in the crosshairs, is one of many to have been funded by foreign capital since the 2009 Honduran military coup. The ousted president, Manuel Zelaya, had alarmed the country’s elites—and their international allies—with his support of agrarian reforms and increased political power for laborers and the disenfranchised. After his removal, the Honduran government courted investors, declaring in 2011 that Honduras was “open for business.” Among the neoliberal reforms it undertook, which included gutting public services and cutting subsidies, the government granted large mining concessions, creating a demand for energy that heightened the profitability of hydroelectric dam projects. The aggressive privatization initiatives launched the government on a collision course with indigenous and campesinocommunities, which sit atop rich natural resources coveted by investors. The ensuing conflicts between environmentalists, traditional landowners, and business interests have often turned lethal.

These killings have taken place in a climate of brutal repression against labor, indigenous, and LGBTI activists, journalists, government critics, and human rights defenders. Cáceres, a formidable and widely respected opposition leader, was a particularly jagged thorn in the side of entrenched political and economic powers. Miscalculating the international outcry the murder would incite, Honduran officials at first couldn’t get their story straight: Cáceres’s murder was a robbery gone wrong, perhaps, or internal feuding within her organization, or a crime of passion. However, activists within and outside Honduras have successfully resisted all efforts to depoliticize Cáceres’s killing.

“It’s like going back to the past,” she said. “We know there are death squads in Honduras.”

Unfortunately, Cáceres’s death was not the first violent assault on COPINH leaders, nor has it been the last. In 2013 unarmed community leader Tomás García was shot and killed by a soldier at a peaceful protest. Less than two weeks after Cáceres was murdered, COPINH activist Nelson García was also gunned down, and just last month, Lesbia Janeth Urquía, another COPINH leader, was killed. Honduran authorities quickly arrested three people for Urquía’s murder, characterizing it as a familial dispute, but members of COPINH dispute this. “We don’t believe in this [official] version,” Cáceres’s successor, Tomás Gómez Membreño, told the Los Angeles Times. “In this country they invent cases and say that the murders have nothing to do with political issues. The government always tries to disconnect so as to not admit that these amount to political killings.”

Urquía was murdered soon after an explosive report in The Guardian in which a former member of the Honduran military said Cáceres’s name was at the top of a “hit list” of activists targeted for killing. The list, he said, was circulated among security forces, including units trained by the United States. The Honduran government vehemently denies these claims, despiteevidence supporting many of the allegations. Cáceres had previously said she was on a list of targeted activists. At a U.S. congressional briefing in April, Honduran human rights activist Bertha Oliva Nativí testified that activists had not faced such dangers since the 1980s. “Now, it’s like going back to the past,” she said. “We know there are death squads in Honduras.”

After an initial investigation into Cáceres’s murder that was tainted by multiple missteps, officials arrested four suspects, including an active member of the military, and later detained a fifth man. But many believe that the orders for her murder were issued higher up the chain of command, and that the government cannot be trusted to police itself. However, state officials have refused calls for an independent international investigation.

Nonetheless the United States continues to send Honduras security assistance that aids the government in militarizing the “war on drugs” and enforcing the aggressive neoliberal policies Washington favors for the region. Some American lawmakers have been paying close attention, sending letters to the U.S. State Department expressing concern about the role of state security forces in human rights abuses. In a sign of increasing impatience with State Department inaction, Representative Hank Johnson of Georgia and other legislators introduced a bill in Congress on June 14, the Berta Cáceres Human Rights in Honduras Act, which seeks to suspend “security assistance to Honduran military and police until such time as human rights violations by Honduran state security forces cease and their perpetrators are brought to justice.” As the bill’s original cosponsors argued in an op-ed in The Guardian, “It’s even possible that U.S.-trained forces were involved in [Cáceres’s] death,” since “one suspect is a military officer and two others are retired military officers. Given this information, we are deeply concerned about the likely role of the Honduran military in her assassination, including the military chain of command.”

As the hit list story broke, State Department spokesperson John Kirby maintained at a June 22 press briefing that “there’s no specific credible allegations of gross violations of human rights” in Honduras. That assertion is contradicted by the State Department’s own 2015 human rights report on Honduras, which documented “unlawful and arbitrary killings and other criminal activities by members of the security forces,” findings echoed by the United NationsThe Guardian reported on July 8 that the State Department is reviewing the hit list allegations, repeating the claim that it had seen no credible evidence to support them. U.S. ambassador to Honduras James Nealon told the Guardian, “We take allegations of human rights abuses with the utmost seriousness. We always take immediate action to ensure the security and safety of people where there is a credible threat.” Under the Leahy Law, the State Department and the Department of Defense are prohibited from providing support to foreign military units when there is credible evidence of human rights violations. Yet the mechanics of compliance with the Leahy law are shrouded by state secrecy, making it difficult to have confidence in the legitimacy of an investigation into the conduct of a close ally. And satisfying Leahy law obligations alone is insufficient. Half of the $750 million in aid that Congress approved in December for Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador comes through the Plan of the Alliance for the Prosperity in the Northern Triangle, a package of security and development aid aimed at stemming immigration from Central America. And disbursement of that money is conditioned merely on the Secretary of State certifying that the governments are making effective progress toward good governance and human rights goals.

In the aftermath of Zelaya’s removal, Secretary of State Clinton helped cement the post-coup government.

This is not the first time the Obama administration has undermined human rights in Honduras. In the aftermath of Zelaya’s removal, then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton helped cement the post-coup government. Cáceres herself denounced Clinton’s role in rupturing the democratic order in Honduras, predicting a dire fallout. As historian Greg Grandin told Democracy Now, “It was Clinton who basically relegated [Zelaya’s return] to a secondary concern and insisted on elections, which had the effect of legitimizing and routinizing the coup regime and creating the nightmare scenario that exists today.”  The election held in November 2009 was widely considered illegitimate.

When questioned by Juan González during a meeting with the New York Daily News editorial board in April, Clinton said that Washington never declared Zelaya’s ouster a coup because doing so would have required the suspension of humanitarian aid. In so doing, she relied on the technicality that an aid cutoff is triggered by the designation of a military coup. Therefore the term was never officially used, despite the military’s clear involvement in removing Zelaya from the country. Clinton claimed the legislature and judiciary had a “very strong argument that they had followed the Constitution and the legal precedents,” despite nearly universal condemnation of the coup, including by the United Nations, the European Union, and the Organization of American States. And Clinton’s account is contradicted by then U.S. ambassador to Honduras Hugo Llorens, who concluded in a leaked cable “there is no doubt” that the ouster of Zelaya “constituted an illegal and unconstitutional coup,” a characterization repeated by the State Department many times. Yet the administration stalled the suspension of aid to Honduras, in contrast to much quicker cutoffs following coups in Mauritania (August 2008) and Madagascar (March 2009).

The dire human rights situation in Honduras may receive more attention following Clinton’s selection of Tim Kaine as her running mate. The Virginia senator, who touts the nine months he spent in Honduras as a Jesuit volunteer as a formative experience, has added his voice to those pressuring Secretary of State John Kerry for a thorough investigation into Cáceres’s death. But Grandin argues that Kaine “has consistently supported economic and security policies that drive immigration and contribute to the kind of repression that killed Cáceres.” This critique of U.S. economic policy was recently echoed by one of Cáceres’s four children, Laura Zuñiga Cáceres, who joined a caravan from Cleveland to Philadelphia demanding justice for her mother. She was among those protesting outside the Democratic National Convention, linking Washington’s trade policy with the misery it engenders in Honduras. “We know very well the impacts that free trade agreements have had on our countries,” Zuñiga said. “They give transnational corporations, like the one my mom fought against, the power to protect their profits even if it means passing over the lives of people who defend the water, forest and mother earth from destruction caused by their very own megaprojects.”

Washington is again signaling to Honduras that stability and its own self-interest trump human rights concerns. Historically the United States has been agonizingly slow to cut off support for repressive Latin American governments so long as they advance its geopolitical and economic agenda. But there have been pivotal moments in history when the tide has turned against U.S.-allied repressive states, such as the killing of Jesuit priests in El Salvador in 1989, which spurred international condemnation of the Salvadoran government and prompted Washington to rethink its support. The death of Cáceres should be one of those moments. This time, Washington should act quickly to stop its money from funding human rights abuses in Honduras before more blood is spilled.

Origen: https://bostonreview.net/world-us/lauren-carasik-blood-honduras-silence-united-states

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Iglesia debe condenar más de 200 crímenes de la diversidad sexual y dejar de hacer imperios

Origen: Iglesia debe condenar más de 200 crímenes de la diversidad sexual y dejar de hacer imperios

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Coalición de Carolina del Norte apoya comunidad LGTBI de Honduras (video)

Por: Redacción CRITERIO redaccion@criterio.hn

Tegucigalpa.- La Coalición de Apoyo de Carolina del Norte, Estados Unidos de América, conformada por la iglesia Chapel Hill, y el Centro Hispano Durham entre otros viajaron a Honduras para manifestar su  apoyo a la comunidad LGTBI de este País Centroamericano. El reverendo David Mateo,  de la iglesia Chapel Hill explica […]

Origen: Coalición de Carolina del Norte apoya comunidad LGTBI de Honduras (video) – CRITERIO

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Sacerdote hondureño advierte arremetida mediática de EE.UU. a favor de JOH

TEGUCIGALPA, HONDURAS

El sacerdote jesuita y director de Radio Progreso, Ismael Moreno, advierte una arremetida mediática estadounidense en beneficio del régimen nacionalista de Juan Orlando Hernández.

Moreno, quien es sociólogo, reflexionó en su cuenta de Facebook que un artículo publicado por el diario estadounidense New York Times en el que destaca los avances en materia de seguridad que Washington ha implementado en el país.

“Diversos datos, informes y análisis me llevan a lanzar la sospecha de que a Honduras la usan para todo. En esta ocasión nuestro país parece estar siendo utilizado como parte de la campaña proselitista que conducirá a la elección de un nuevo gobierno en Estados Unidos”, analiza Moreno.

“Un artículo muy mal hecho y con clara tendencia proselitista -prosiguió-, recientemente publicado en el New York Times, lo confirma. Lo mismo ocurre con el uso de nuestro país como ‘humanizador’ de políticos del Norte”.

El religioso aseguró que “nunca Honduras había sido nombrado tantas veces por los gringos como en esta ocasión, como si fuese trofeo de una guerra que ellos mismos provocaron, han mantenido y seguirán sosteniendo mientras siga el aval a la mafia que actualmente utiliza nuestro Estado como estricto negocio”.

El artículo del New York Time, añadió, dice que en Honduras ya no es el país violento, inseguro y empobrecido como hace tres años, gracias a la ayuda de Estados Unidos y a su alianza con el gobierno de Juan Orlando Hernández.

Cabe recordar que el régimen nacionalista es uno de los incondicionales aliados de Washington; la semana anterior, se sumó al grupo de 15 países que exigen que se acelere el referendo revocatorio para destituir el presidente venezolano Nicolás Maduro que es promovido por la oposición.

De hecho, en Honduras operan unas 13 bases militares que fueron edificadas después del golpe de Estado del 28 de junio de 2009.

Origen: http://confidencialhn.com/2016/08/14/sacerdote-hondureno-advierte-arremetida-mediatica-de-ee-uu-a-favor-de-joh/

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Exclusive – Paperwork, rights concerns hold up U.S. aid for Central America

By Patricia Zengerle

WASHINGTON (Reuters) – The U.S. Congress approved $750 million in aid last December to help El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras combat the violence and poverty that are driving migrants towards the U.S. border, but the money has yet to reach the struggling countries.

In a departure from previous aid packages, the State Department first had to certify that the three nations had taken steps to reduce migration and human trafficking, bolster human rights and improve their justice systems.

Eight months after President Barack Obama signed a spending bill that included the funds, congressional aides told Reuters they were still waiting for the State Department certifications needed to release the money, which was budgeted for the fiscal year ending Sept. 30.

State has not provided its paperwork and Central American governments have not taken the required actions, congressional aides said. Lawmakers have been particularly unhappy about Honduras because of the murder of a prominent environmental activist there.

“The fiscal year 2016 funds have not been obligated because the State Department has not yet submitted a detailed plan as required by law, spelling out how, where and by whom the funds will be used, what their objectives are and how they will measure progress,” said Tim Rieser, a foreign policy aide to Senator Patrick Leahy, the top Democrat on the Senate subcommittee that oversees foreign aid.

The delay highlights the longstanding tension between Washington’s desire to promote human rights and the government’s responsibility to protect U.S. security, economic and other interests. In this case, American lawmakers are reluctant to send hundreds of millions of dollars to countries where human rights abuses remain common, despite the flood of migrants towards the U.S. border.

They want to avoid a repeat of past aid programs, in which large amounts of money sent south yielded few results.

“The results have been very disappointing. Programs were poorly conceived, the Central American governments did not do their part, and money was wasted,” Rieser said.

From October 2015 through January 2016, U.S. border patrols stopped some 45,000 Central Americans in the U.S. southwest, more than double the number during the same period a year earlier. Nearly half were unaccompanied children.

None of the countries has yet to meet all the conditions, congressional aides said, although Guatemala is further along. Honduras faces harsh criticism about human rights from lawmakers, due in part to the killing of internationally acclaimed environmentalist Berta Caceres in March.

Dozens of lawmakers have demanded an independent international investigation into her death, and Honduran authorities have arrested five suspects, including an Army officer and an employee of a company running a dam project she opposed.

A spokesman said the State Department was working to obtain congressional approval for the fiscal 2016 funds. In the meantime, he said, the department and U.S. Agency for International Development are using money from prior years to support the U.S. “Strategy for Engagement in Central America.”Guatemalan officials told Reuters they expected their funds to begin arriving between October and November.

In Tegucigalpa, a foreign ministry official who requested anonymity said Honduras has made progress fighting corruption and combating smuggling and hoped the funds would start being released later this year or early in 2017.

In San Salvador, a foreign ministry official said the government was awaiting word on the disbursement, also saying the government had made progress.

Separately, the Obama administration late last month announced the expansion of a programme to let people fleeing violence in the three countries enter the United States as refugees, and said Costa Rica agreed to shelter some of them temporarily.

(Additional reporting by Enrique Pretel in San Jose, Nelson Renteria in San Salvador and Gustavo Palencia in Tegucigalpa; editing by John Walcott and David Gregorio)

Origen: http://in.mobile.reuters.com/article/idINKCN10M20W?irpc=932

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Why a Georgia Congressman is Fighting to Stop Security Aid to Honduras

Rep. Hank Johnson talks about the struggle for human rights and the future of U.S.-Honduras relations.

Origen: Why a Georgia Congressman is Fighting to Stop Security Aid to Honduras

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U.S. Aid To Honduras In Doubt After Killings Of Activists

Origen: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/honduran-aid-activist-killings_us_57acf39fe4b007c36e4dec10?cz0lr8uhuejtja714i

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Honduras quedaría de nuevo fuera de los beneficios de la Cuenta del Milenio.

El país ha tenido buena hoja de evaluación en más de la mitad de los indicadores que Los Estados Unidos toman en consideración para el desembolso de los fondos de ayuda. Pero en el apartado de la lucha contra la corrupción, la calificación es insuficiente, reconocieron los funcionarios de la administración gubernamental. En estas mismas fuentes oficiales se ha destacado, sin embargo, que en el renglón de la lucha por la transparencia Honduras ha dado un salto de 10 puntos.

Origen: Honduras quedaría de nuevo fuera de los beneficios de la Cuenta del Milenio.

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Ante violencia EE.UU. alerta nuevamente no viajar a Honduras

Por: Redacción CRITERIO redaccion@criterio.hn Tegucigalpa.-El Departamento de Estado de EE.UU. emitió en las últimas horas una nueva alerta para pedirles a sus ciudadanos que se abstengan de visitar Honduras por los niveles “críticamente altos” de violencia, crimen y secuestro. La nación del norte destaca en un comunicado, que Honduras tiene una de las tasas de […]

Origen: Ante violencia EE.UU. alerta nuevamente no viajar a Honduras – CRITERIO

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EE.UU. ALARMADO POR CRIMEN E IMPUNIDAD EN HONDURAS

Primer auditor Social de Honduras.

Origen: http://www.web.ellibertador.hn/index.php/noticias/internacionales/1616-ee-uu-alarmado-por-crimen-e-impunidad-en-honduras

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TIM KAINE Y LAS TRES HONDURAS

«La lucha contra el poder es la lucha contra el olvido». Milan Kundera *** En la Convención Demócrata del pasado mes de julio que nominó oficialmente a Hillary Clinton como la primera mujer candidata a la presidencia de los Estados Unidos, de uno de los partidos mayoritarios, se presentó también al Senador de Virginia Tim […]

Origen: http://elpulso.hn/tim-kaine-y-las-tres-honduras/

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“Eat, Pray, Starve”: Greg Grandin on Tim Kaine, Hillary Clinton & the U.S. Role in Honduras

On Wednesday night, Hillary Clinton’s running mate, Virginia Senator Tim Kaine, delivered a prime-time speech in which he spoke about the nine months he spent with Jesuit missionaries in Honduras in 1980. To talk more about the significance of Tim Kaine’s time in Honduras, we speak with Greg Grandin, professor of Latin American history at New York University. His most recent article for The Nation is headlined “Eat, Pray, Starve: What Tim Kaine Didn’t Learn During His Time in Honduras.”


TRANSCRIPT

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: We are “Breaking with Convention: War, Peace and the Presidency.” We’re in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, covering the Democratic National Convention, inside and out, from the streets to the convention floor. On Wednesday night, Hillary Clinton’s running mate, Virginia Senator Tim Kaine, delivered a prime-time speech in which he spoke about the nine months he spent with Jesuit missionaries in Honduras in 1980.

SEN. TIM KAINE: And let me tell you what really struck me there. I got a—I got a firsthand look at a different system, a dictatorship, a dictatorship, where a few people at the top had all the power, and everybody else got left out.

AMY GOODMAN: To talk more about the significance of Senator Kaine’s time in Honduras, we’re joined by Greg Grandin, professor of Latin American history at New York University. His most recent article for The Nation is headlined “Eat, Pray, Starve: What Tim Kaine Didn’t Learn During His Time in Honduras.”

Professor Grandin, welcome to Democracy Now! Talk about what you understand Tim Kaine did when he took a year off of Harvard Law School to go to Honduras and work with the Jesuits, through to the policies today.

GREG GRANDIN: Yeah, well, he spent about nine months in Honduras, in El Progreso. It’s a Jesuit mission. And he volunteered. He did pretty politically neutral work, by his own accounting. He taught carpentry and he taught welding. The Progreso mission is in the old region of the old United Fruit—the storied United Fruit Company, a lot of old company towns, banana plantation workers, former banana plantation workers. The industry in that area was already kind of in decline at that moment.

And this was a very formative period in Tim Kaine’s life, according to Tim Kaine. He calls it transformational. He said that it changed his life. It made him think more about poverty. It made him think more about social justice. And he’s used his time in Honduras—he wasn’t in—he wasn’t in political office until the late 1990s—municipal politics in Richmond, then mayor of Richmond, then he went on to be governor of Virginia and then senator. In pretty much every campaign, he’s referenced his time in Honduras.

Now, what’s interesting about that is nine months in 1980 Honduras is the equivalent of being in Weimar Germany in 1933. There was a lot going on, particularly if you were working with the Jesuits. The Jesuits were on the front lines of a lot of the changes that were taking place in Central America. There was, you know, those insurrectionary wars, those revolutionary wars. The Sandinistas won in nearby Nicaragua in 1979. Guatemala, El Salvador, there was large insurgencies. They were as much Christian as they were socialist. The rise of liberation theology, the left-wing turn within the Catholic Church that was largely driven in Latin America, had radicalized beyond just a concern for the poor, beyond just a concern for structural issues, to actually side with revolutionaries to join the revolution.

Not all Jesuits were revolutionaries. The order was, in some ways, torn by debates. It was a cauldron. There were massacres. Political repression started in Honduras. Ronald Reagan, when he won in 1980, appointed John Negroponte, who worked very closely with death squads. In Honduras, people started to disappear. There were massacres of peasants. There was the beginning of the genocide in Guatemala. So, these were very consequential years. There’s no way that he could have spent nine months in the center of this cauldron without coming away from—with the debates. And the debates within the Jesuit community, within that Jesuit mission, in particular, was: Should we side with the revolution, or should we—should we slow it down, should we be more conservative? And there were Jesuits on both sides of that debate within that mission.

And what’s interesting is that, when Kaine comes back to the United States, there’s no doubt that this had an impact on his life. There’s no doubt, when you listen to him speak about Honduras, he’s sincere. He is concerned about the country. And I think this speaks to a split in the neoliberal mind. He reduces his time in Honduras to a series of platitudes. It would be as if somebody spent nine months in Weimar Germany in 1933 and come back with the lesson that money can’t buy happiness. I mean, that’s literally what he said in one—paraphrasing something that he said in an interview on how Honduras impacted him. He was also asked how it made him think about the United States. And he said, “Well, Honduras was a dictatorship at the time, and it made me appreciate our system of government.” So, there’s a way in which the structural analysis—

AMY GOODMAN: What was the U.S. role at the time in Honduras in the coups, in the military?

GREG GRANDIN: Well, one, that dictatorship—that dictatorship that Kaine referenced was installed by the United States. It was a couple—it was many years old. It dated back to a coup that John F. Kennedy presided over after the Cuban revolution. The JFK and LBJ administrations set off a series of coups in order to contain the Cuban revolution, and Honduras was one country. So, that dictatorship can be traced back—that dictatorship that Kaine lived under could be traced back to U.S. patronage. But also, at the time, in order to stem the Contra—as a response to the Sandinista revolution, the Contra war was getting underway. Honduras was the front lines in that. Honduras, when Tim Kaine—exactly when Tim Kaine was there, was the third-largest recipient of military aid in all of Latin America. Honduras, a country with, you know, at the time, maybe 2, 3 million people. So, the U.S. was—

AMY GOODMAN: You know, we only have two minutes.

GREG GRANDIN: Yeah.

AMY GOODMAN: And I wanted to bring the policy from then to here.

GREG GRANDIN: To now, yeah.

AMY GOODMAN: In March, gunmen assassinated Berta Cáceres, the well-known Honduran indigenous dissident—

GREG GRANDIN: Yeah.

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http://www.democracynow.org/2016/7/29/eat_pray_starve_greg_grandin_on

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Eat, Pray, Starve: What Tim Kaine Didn’t Learn During His Time in Honduras

The vice-presidential nominee supports policies that hurt the country that was the “turning point” in his life.

Origen: Eat, Pray, Starve: What Tim Kaine Didn’t Learn During His Time in Honduras

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