Archivos para 5/04/16

Family of slain activist asks U.S. to cut off aid to Honduras

The 25-year-old daughter of slain Honduran indigenous leader Berta Cáceres said the family has struggled for even basic information about the investigation of her mother’s murder. They’re asking the United States to halt aid until the government proves it can defend human rights activists.

Origen: Family of slain activist asks U.S. to cut off aid to Honduras

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Comienzan a intimidar a María Luisa Borjas por fuertes declaraciones – CRITERIO

Por: Redacción CRITERIO redaccion@criterio.hn Tegucigalpa.-Inmediatamente  que denunciara todas las atrocidades que se han cometido a lo interno de la Policía Nacional en un foro televisivo, la comisionada en condición de retiro, María Luisa Borjas, comenzó a recibir amenazas, insultos y su cuenta de Twitter fue hackeada. “Esta maldita perra habla mucho” dice la publicación a […]

Origen: Comienzan a intimidar a María Luisa Borjas por fuertes declaraciones – CRITERIO

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Amenazan a muerte a Comisionada de Policía después de cuestionar corrupción policial y “show” para militarizar esta institución

Alerta 54-16 | Honduras, martes 5 de abril de 2016 La Comisionada de Policía en condición de retiro, María Luisa Borjas, fue atacada esta mañana a través de una cuenta de Twitter que muestra el cadáver de una mujer en la foto de perfil, con la leyenda, “esta maldita perra habla mucho”.

Origen: Amenazan a muerte a Comisionada de Policía después de cuestionar corrupción policial y “show” para militarizar esta institución

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How Hillary Clinton Militarized US Policy in Honduras

She used a State Department office closely involved with counterinsurgency efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq to aid the coup regime in Honduras.

 

n 2012, as Honduras descended into social and political chaos in the wake of a US-sanctioned military coup, the civilian aid arm of Hillary Clinton’s State Department spent over $26 million on a propaganda program aimed at encouraging anti-violence “alliances” between Honduran community groups and local police and security forces.

The program, called “Honduras Convive,” was designed by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) to reduce violent crimes in a country that had simultaneously become the murder capital of the world and a staging ground for one of the largest deployments of US Special Operations forces outside of the Middle East.

It was part of a larger US program to support the conservative government of Pepe Lobo, who came to power in 2009 after the Honduran military ousted the elected president, José Manuel Zelaya, in a coup that was widely condemned in Central America. In reality, critics say, the program was an attempt by the State Department to scrub the image of a country where security forces have a record of domestic repression that continues to the present day.

“This was all about erasing memories of the coup and the structural causes of violence.” —Adrienne Pine, American University

“This was all about erasing memories of the coup and the structural causes of violence,” says Adrienne Pine, an assistant professor of anthropology at American University who spent the 2013-14 school year teaching at the National Autonomous University of Honduras. “It’s related to the complete absence of participatory democracy in Honduras, in which the United States is deeply complicit.”

“With the coup, Clinton had a real opportunity to do the right thing and shift US policy to respect democratic processes,” added Alex Main, an expert on US policy in Central America at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, after being told of the program. “But she completely messed it up, and we’re seeing the consequences of it now.”

Honduras Convive (“Honduras Coexists”) was the brainchild of the Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI), a controversial unit of USAID that operates overseas much like the CIA did during the Cold War.

Sanctioned by Congress in 1994, OTI intervenes under the direction of the State Department, the Pentagon, and other security agencies in places like Afghanistan, Haiti, and Colombia to boost support for local governments backed by the United States. Sometimes, as it has in Cuba and Venezuela, its programs are directed at stirring opposition to leftist regimes. Clinton gave the office a major boost after she became Secretary of State; its programs are overseen by an under secretary of state as well as the top administrator of USAID.
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She used a State Department office closely involved with counterinsurgency efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq to aid the coup regime in Honduras.

n 2012, as Honduras descended into social and political chaos in the wake of a US-sanctioned military coup, the civilian aid arm of Hillary Clinton’s State Department spent over $26 million on a propaganda program aimed at encouraging anti-violence “alliances” between Honduran community groups and local police and security forces.

The program, called “Honduras Convive,” was designed by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) to reduce violent crimes in a country that had simultaneously become the murder capital of the world and a staging ground for one of the largest deployments of US Special Operations forces outside of the Middle East.

It was part of a larger US program to support the conservative government of Pepe Lobo, who came to power in 2009 after the Honduran military ousted the elected president, José Manuel Zelaya, in a coup that was widely condemned in Central America. In reality, critics say, the program was an attempt by the State Department to scrub the image of a country where security forces have a record of domestic repression that continues to the present day.

“This was all about erasing memories of the coup and the structural causes of violence.” —Adrienne Pine, American University

“This was all about erasing memories of the coup and the structural causes of violence,” says Adrienne Pine, an assistant professor of anthropology at American University who spent the 2013-14 school year teaching at the National Autonomous University of Honduras. “It’s related to the complete absence of participatory democracy in Honduras, in which the United States is deeply complicit.”

“With the coup, Clinton had a real opportunity to do the right thing and shift US policy to respect democratic processes,” added Alex Main, an expert on US policy in Central America at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, after being told of the program. “But she completely messed it up, and we’re seeing the consequences of it now.”

Honduras Convive (“Honduras Coexists”) was the brainchild of the Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI), a controversial unit of USAID that operates overseas much like the CIA did during the Cold War.

Sanctioned by Congress in 1994, OTI intervenes under the direction of the State Department, the Pentagon, and other security agencies in places like Afghanistan, Haiti, and Colombia to boost support for local governments backed by the United States. Sometimes, as it has in Cuba and Venezuela, its programs are directed at stirring opposition to leftist regimes. Clinton gave the office a major boost after she became Secretary of State; its programs are overseen by an under secretary of state as well as the top administrator of USAID.
Most Popular
1

She used a State Department office closely involved with counterinsurgency efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq to aid the coup regime in Honduras.

n 2012, as Honduras descended into social and political chaos in the wake of a US-sanctioned military coup, the civilian aid arm of Hillary Clinton’s State Department spent over $26 million on a propaganda program aimed at encouraging anti-violence “alliances” between Honduran community groups and local police and security forces.

The program, called “Honduras Convive,” was designed by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) to reduce violent crimes in a country that had simultaneously become the murder capital of the world and a staging ground for one of the largest deployments of US Special Operations forces outside of the Middle East.

It was part of a larger US program to support the conservative government of Pepe Lobo, who came to power in 2009 after the Honduran military ousted the elected president, José Manuel Zelaya, in a coup that was widely condemned in Central America. In reality, critics say, the program was an attempt by the State Department to scrub the image of a country where security forces have a record of domestic repression that continues to the present day.

“This was all about erasing memories of the coup and the structural causes of violence.” —Adrienne Pine, American University

“This was all about erasing memories of the coup and the structural causes of violence,” says Adrienne Pine, an assistant professor of anthropology at American University who spent the 2013-14 school year teaching at the National Autonomous University of Honduras. “It’s related to the complete absence of participatory democracy in Honduras, in which the United States is deeply complicit.”

“With the coup, Clinton had a real opportunity to do the right thing and shift US policy to respect democratic processes,” added Alex Main, an expert on US policy in Central America at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, after being told of the program. “But she completely messed it up, and we’re seeing the consequences of it now.”

Honduras Convive (“Honduras Coexists”) was the brainchild of the Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI), a controversial unit of USAID that operates overseas much like the CIA did during the Cold War.

Sanctioned by Congress in 1994, OTI intervenes under the direction of the State Department, the Pentagon, and other security agencies in places like Afghanistan, Haiti, and Colombia to boost support for local governments backed by the United States. Sometimes, as it has in Cuba and Venezuela, its programs are directed at stirring opposition to leftist regimes. Clinton gave the office a major boost after she became Secretary of State; its programs are overseen by an under secretary of state as well as the top administrator of USAID.

OTI’s activities, the Congressional Research Service noted in a 2009 report, “are overtly political” and based on the idea that “timely and creative” US assistance can “tip the balance” toward outcomes “that advance U.S. foreign policy objectives.”

In Honduras, OTI seems to have followed the model it set in Iraq, where it sent some of the first US aid personnel after the 2003 invasion. At the time, CRS said, OTI’s strategy in Iraq was to convey “the tangible benefits of the regime change.”

The objective of Honduras Convive is spelled out on USAID’s website: “To disrupt the systems, perceptions and behaviors that support violence by building alliances between the communities and the state (especially the police and security forces).” A USAID official confirmed that the program is still ongoing, but played down US ties with Honduran security forces. Convive, he said, is “working in communities to build the capacity of civil society and government institutions, while strengthening community cohesion.” It was initiated “at the request of USAID and the broader U.S. Government due to high levels of violence in Honduras,” he added. “The beneficiaries of the Convive program are the Honduran people.” Much of the country’s violence is blamed on gangs and drug cartels and has led thousands of Hondurans to send their children north to flee the region.

But contractor documents obtained about the program show that it was based in part on communications strategies to win “hearts and minds” developed during the counterinsurgency phase of the US wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Several OTI officials and contractors overseeing the project came to Honduras from Afghanistan, where they managed the civilian, nation-building side of the war. They included Miguel Reabold, OTI’s country representative in Honduras, who previously represented OTI in Afghanistan.

Part of the project was subcontracted to a company owned by counterinsurgency adviser David Kilcullen.

In addition, a key part of the project was subcontracted to a company owned by David Kilcullen, who was the senior counterinsurgency adviser to Army General David Petraeus in both Iraq and Afghanistan. Kilcullen’s research methodology, according to a contract proposal I obtained, was “built around a streamlined set of metrics” that provide a “manageable method for assessing counterinsurgency campaigns that can be replicated and customized in other insecure environments.” The contract was submitted to Reabold on October 16, 2012.

The USAID official confirmed that Kilcullen’s company, Caerus Associates, “received two grants totaling approximately $77,000 to assist USAID/OTI to assess licit and illicit networks in San Pedro Sula,” Honduras’s largest and most violent city. But, he added, “the Honduras Convive program is not a counterinsurgency program.”

LIKE THIS? GET MORE OF OUR BEST REPORTING AND ANALYSIS

In a lengthy e-mail, the official added that Convive “has drawn its lessons from best practices in violence prevention, community policing, and community cohesion from urban environments all over the world.” Since the program began, he insisted, violence has declined. He provided figures showing “marked reductions in homicides between 2013 and 2014 in some of the city’s most dangerous communities,” with declines of between 18 and 46 percent in several municipalities.

“USAID believes that homicides are decreasing due to a combination of factors, included among them a more cohesive community, represented by empowered leaders, working closely with Honduran government partners (including the police); international donors; and complementary USAID programs,” the official wrote in his e-mail.

But nowhere in the USAID documents does the word “coup” appear. The agency’s claims and statistics stand in stark contrast to the situation in Honduras, where civil society has been reeling from a wave of political violence and assassinations perpetuated by what many believe are state-sponsored death squads.

Even as Convive was being formulated in 2012, repression and violence had become a pressing issue for Hondurans. That January, UC-Santa Cruz historian Dana Frank described the carnage in The New York Times, reporting that “more than 300 people have been killed by state security forces since the coup, according to the leading human rights organization Cofadeh.” It appears to be just as bad in 2016.

A month ago, on March 3, the renowned environmental activist Berta Cáceres was murdered in her home by unknown gunmen. Two weeks later, Nelson Garcia, a member of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), co-founded by Cáceres, was shot to death. Since then, thousand of Hondurans have protested what Democracy Now! has described as a “culture of repression and impunity linked to the Honduran government’s support for corporate interests.”
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The killings have brought the US government’s programs in Honduras under increased scrutiny and drawn sharp criticism of Clinton’s covert support for the 2009 coup while she was Secretary of State.

In particular, opponents of Clinton have seized on her own admissions in her autobiography, Hard Choices, that she used her power as Secretary of State to deflect criticism of the coup and shift US backing to the new government. “We strategized on a plan to restore order in Honduras and ensure that free and fair elections could be held quickly and legitimately, which would render the question of Zelaya moot,” Clinton wrote.

In 2014, two years before her murder, Cáceres herself condemned Clinton’s statements about the coup, saying “this demonstrates the meddling of North Americans in our country.” Clinton, she added, “recognized that they didn’t permit Mel Zelaya’s return to the presidency…even though we warned this was going to be very dangerous and that it would permit a barbarity.”

The Clinton campaign did not respond to e-mails seeking comment on her department’s role in Honduras Convive or in shaping US policy toward Honduras. But in March, after Cáceres’s statements on Clinton were reported in The Nation, a campaign official told Latino USA that charges that the former Secretary of State supported the 2009 coup were “simply nonsense.” “Hillary Clinton engaged in active diplomacy that resolved a constitutional crisis and paved the way for legitimate democratic elections,” she said.

* * *

The players in Honduras Convive provide a glimpse into the privatized world of covert operations managed by USAID and OTI, and how they dovetail with broader US foreign-policy goals of supporting governments friendly to US economic and strategic interests. They also show how Hillary Clinton might manage US foreign policy as president.

Under Clinton’s 2010 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review, OTI’s programs were expanded and strengthened, and the State Department pledged to “work much more closely” with the office. “We will build upon OTI’s business model of executing programming tailored to facilitate transition and promote stability in select crisis countries,” the review said. The overall plan for OTI was overseen by a Clinton deputy and the administrator of USAID. Most of its projects are contracted to a group of private aid companies in Washington.

Honduras Convive, for example, was outsourced to Creative Associates International (CAI), a company that has worked closely with USAID’s OTI on projects in Afghanistan, Yemen, and Libya. In 2010, CAI teamed up with OTI to run a clandestine operation in Cuba dubbed “Cuban Twitter,” as revealed in 2014 by the Associated Press. It was designed to use social media to spark anti-government unrest in that country.

A key piece of CAI’s project in Honduras, determining the social networks responsible for violence in the country’s largest city, was subcontracted to Caerus, Kilcullen’s company. It was founded in 2010 while Kilcullen was working as a top counterinsurgency adviser to US and NATO forces in Afghanistan. In addition to advising Petraeus, Kilcullen served during the Bush administration as a senior adviser on counterinsurgency to former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

One of Kilcullen’s first contracts in Afghanistan, according to the Caerus documents I obtained, was to design and manage a $15 million USAID program measuring stability in Afghanistan—a key task of the counterinsurgency effort. Kilcullen also developed close ties to the Office of Transition Initiatives. OTI is “the closest thing we have now to an organizational structure specifically designed to deal with the environments of the last ten to twenty years,” Kilcullen said in a talk to the New America Foundation in 2013.

Like Kilcullen himself, the Caerus contractors who led the Honduras project had extensive experience with the wars in Afghanistan. Stacia George, Caerus’s “Team Leader” on the Honduras project, was employed at Caerus from 2012 to 2014, where one of her tasks was training “Department of Defense professionals on using development as a counterinsurgency tool in Afghanistan” (she is now deputy director of OTI). Another Caerus associate involved in the Honduras program, William Upshur, taught counterinsurgency tactics in Afghanistan for the Army’s 10th Mountain and 82nd Airborne divisions from 2010 to 2013 (he’s now an associate with intelligence contractor Booz Allen Hamilton).

The Caerus proposal to OTI, which I obtained, emphasizes the company’s extensive experience with counterinsurgency, surveillance, and data collection in Afghanistan as well as its ties to OTI. Many Caerus staffers “have worked directly for [OTI] developing policy, implementing field programs, and managing program evaluations based on stabilization goals and objectives,” it says.

CAI, the prime contractor for Honduras Convive, deferred all questions about the project to USAID. But a CAI spokesperson said that “Creative doesn’t do counterinsurgency work and doesn’t have anybody on staff involved in counterinsurgency.”

* * *

“U.S. policies and assistance have often undermined prosperity, stability, and democracy in the region.” —Alex Main, NACLA Report

The AID/OTI program was part of a grand US plan to improve security in Central America by building closer ties with local military forces and using US troops to train their police. Honduras has become a litmus test for the plan.

Today, hundreds of US Special Forces and Navy SEALs are training Honduran units for civilian law enforcement. The plan is “driven by the hope that beefing up police operations will stabilize a small country closer to home,” The Wall Street Journal reported. The training is set to expand in the $1 billion “Alliance for Prosperity” program for the region that was unveiled in late January of 2015 by Vice President Joe Biden.

Main, the CEPR analyst, says Central Americans should greet the Biden plan with skepticism. “From the U.S.-backed dirty wars of the 1980s to the broken promises of economic development under the Central American Free Trade Agreement, the historical record shows that U.S. policies and assistance have often undermined prosperity, stability, and democracy in the region,” he wrote last year in NACLA Report on the Americas.

In Honduras, Main told me, the overriding US interest has been “keeping this government in power.” The “window dressing” of Honduras Convive, he added, has “been going on pretty much since the coup.” Many observers, including lawmakers, agree.

“I’ve been pretty much appalled by US policy with respect to Honduras.” —Lawrence Wilkerson, former adviser to Colin Powell

On March 16, 730 scholars organized by the Council on Hemispheric Affairs signed a letter urging the State Department to demand human rights accountability in its dealings with Honduras. “We are deeply concerned that the U.S. government condones and supports the current Honduran government by sending financial and technical support to strengthen the Honduran military and police, institutions that have been responsible for human rights violations since the coup d’état of 2009,” the letter stated.

That same week, 23 members of Congress and the AFL-CIO called on Secretary of State John Kerry to address the violence in Honduras directed against trade unionists and human rights defenders. And on March 14, activists with SOA Watch, which opposes the School of the Americas, where many Honduran and Central American military leaders have been trained, raised a banner in front of USAID’s headquarters in Washington reading “Stop Funding Murder in Honduras!”

“I’ve been pretty much appalled by US policy with respect to Honduras,” Lawrence Wilkerson, the former deputy to Secretary of State Colin Powell, told me when I brought OTI’s Honduras program to his attention in an interview last year. “If I could sum it up for what it’s been for so many years, that’s protecting all the criminals in power, basically for US commercial interests.”

Origen: How Hillary Clinton Militarized US Policy in Honduras

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OTI’s activities, the Congressional Research Service noted in a 2009 report, “are overtly political” and based on the idea that “timely and creative” US assistance can “tip the balance” toward outcomes “that advance U.S. foreign policy objectives.”

In Honduras, OTI seems to have followed the model it set in Iraq, where it sent some of the first US aid personnel after the 2003 invasion. At the time, CRS said, OTI’s strategy in Iraq was to convey “the tangible benefits of the regime change.”

The objective of Honduras Convive is spelled out on USAID’s website: “To disrupt the systems, perceptions and behaviors that support violence by building alliances between the communities and the state (especially the police and security forces).” A USAID official confirmed that the program is still ongoing, but played down US ties with Honduran security forces. Convive, he said, is “working in communities to build the capacity of civil society and government institutions, while strengthening community cohesion.” It was initiated “at the request of USAID and the broader U.S. Government due to high levels of violence in Honduras,” he added. “The beneficiaries of the Convive program are the Honduran people.” Much of the country’s violence is blamed on gangs and drug cartels and has led thousands of Hondurans to send their children north to flee the region.

But contractor documents obtained about the program show that it was based in part on communications strategies to win “hearts and minds” developed during the counterinsurgency phase of the US wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Several OTI officials and contractors overseeing the project came to Honduras from Afghanistan, where they managed the civilian, nation-building side of the war. They included Miguel Reabold, OTI’s country representative in Honduras, who previously represented OTI in Afghanistan.

Part of the project was subcontracted to a company owned by counterinsurgency adviser David Kilcullen.

In addition, a key part of the project was subcontracted to a company owned by David Kilcullen, who was the senior counterinsurgency adviser to Army General David Petraeus in both Iraq and Afghanistan. Kilcullen’s research methodology, according to a contract proposal I obtained, was “built around a streamlined set of metrics” that provide a “manageable method for assessing counterinsurgency campaigns that can be replicated and customized in other insecure environments.” The contract was submitted to Reabold on October 16, 2012.

The USAID official confirmed that Kilcullen’s company, Caerus Associates, “received two grants totaling approximately $77,000 to assist USAID/OTI to assess licit and illicit networks in San Pedro Sula,” Honduras’s largest and most violent city. But, he added, “the Honduras Convive program is not a counterinsurgency program.”

LIKE THIS? GET MORE OF OUR BEST REPORTING AND ANALYSIS

In a lengthy e-mail, the official added that Convive “has drawn its lessons from best practices in violence prevention, community policing, and community cohesion from urban environments all over the world.” Since the program began, he insisted, violence has declined. He provided figures showing “marked reductions in homicides between 2013 and 2014 in some of the city’s most dangerous communities,” with declines of between 18 and 46 percent in several municipalities.

“USAID believes that homicides are decreasing due to a combination of factors, included among them a more cohesive community, represented by empowered leaders, working closely with Honduran government partners (including the police); international donors; and complementary USAID programs,” the official wrote in his e-mail.

But nowhere in the USAID documents does the word “coup” appear. The agency’s claims and statistics stand in stark contrast to the situation in Honduras, where civil society has been reeling from a wave of political violence and assassinations perpetuated by what many believe are state-sponsored death squads.

Even as Convive was being formulated in 2012, repression and violence had become a pressing issue for Hondurans. That January, UC-Santa Cruz historian Dana Frank described the carnage in The New York Times, reporting that “more than 300 people have been killed by state security forces since the coup, according to the leading human rights organization Cofadeh.” It appears to be just as bad in 2016.

A month ago, on March 3, the renowned environmental activist Berta Cáceres was murdered in her home by unknown gunmen. Two weeks later, Nelson Garcia, a member of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), co-founded by Cáceres, was shot to death. Since then, thousand of Hondurans have protested what Democracy Now! has described as a “culture of repression and impunity linked to the Honduran government’s support for corporate interests.”
GET A DIGITAL SUBSCRIPTION FOR JUST $9.50!
Subscribe

The killings have brought the US government’s programs in Honduras under increased scrutiny and drawn sharp criticism of Clinton’s covert support for the 2009 coup while she was Secretary of State.

In particular, opponents of Clinton have seized on her own admissions in her autobiography, Hard Choices, that she used her power as Secretary of State to deflect criticism of the coup and shift US backing to the new government. “We strategized on a plan to restore order in Honduras and ensure that free and fair elections could be held quickly and legitimately, which would render the question of Zelaya moot,” Clinton wrote.

In 2014, two years before her murder, Cáceres herself condemned Clinton’s statements about the coup, saying “this demonstrates the meddling of North Americans in our country.” Clinton, she added, “recognized that they didn’t permit Mel Zelaya’s return to the presidency…even though we warned this was going to be very dangerous and that it would permit a barbarity.”

The Clinton campaign did not respond to e-mails seeking comment on her department’s role in Honduras Convive or in shaping US policy toward Honduras. But in March, after Cáceres’s statements on Clinton were reported in The Nation, a campaign official told Latino USA that charges that the former Secretary of State supported the 2009 coup were “simply nonsense.” “Hillary Clinton engaged in active diplomacy that resolved a constitutional crisis and paved the way for legitimate democratic elections,” she said.

* * *

The players in Honduras Convive provide a glimpse into the privatized world of covert operations managed by USAID and OTI, and how they dovetail with broader US foreign-policy goals of supporting governments friendly to US economic and strategic interests. They also show how Hillary Clinton might manage US foreign policy as president.

Under Clinton’s 2010 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review, OTI’s programs were expanded and strengthened, and the State Department pledged to “work much more closely” with the office. “We will build upon OTI’s business model of executing programming tailored to facilitate transition and promote stability in select crisis countries,” the review said. The overall plan for OTI was overseen by a Clinton deputy and the administrator of USAID. Most of its projects are contracted to a group of private aid companies in Washington.

Honduras Convive, for example, was outsourced to Creative Associates International (CAI), a company that has worked closely with USAID’s OTI on projects in Afghanistan, Yemen, and Libya. In 2010, CAI teamed up with OTI to run a clandestine operation in Cuba dubbed “Cuban Twitter,” as revealed in 2014 by the Associated Press. It was designed to use social media to spark anti-government unrest in that country.

A key piece of CAI’s project in Honduras, determining the social networks responsible for violence in the country’s largest city, was subcontracted to Caerus, Kilcullen’s company. It was founded in 2010 while Kilcullen was working as a top counterinsurgency adviser to US and NATO forces in Afghanistan. In addition to advising Petraeus, Kilcullen served during the Bush administration as a senior adviser on counterinsurgency to former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

One of Kilcullen’s first contracts in Afghanistan, according to the Caerus documents I obtained, was to design and manage a $15 million USAID program measuring stability in Afghanistan—a key task of the counterinsurgency effort. Kilcullen also developed close ties to the Office of Transition Initiatives. OTI is “the closest thing we have now to an organizational structure specifically designed to deal with the environments of the last ten to twenty years,” Kilcullen said in a talk to the New America Foundation in 2013.

Like Kilcullen himself, the Caerus contractors who led the Honduras project had extensive experience with the wars in Afghanistan. Stacia George, Caerus’s “Team Leader” on the Honduras project, was employed at Caerus from 2012 to 2014, where one of her tasks was training “Department of Defense professionals on using development as a counterinsurgency tool in Afghanistan” (she is now deputy director of OTI). Another Caerus associate involved in the Honduras program, William Upshur, taught counterinsurgency tactics in Afghanistan for the Army’s 10th Mountain and 82nd Airborne divisions from 2010 to 2013 (he’s now an associate with intelligence contractor Booz Allen Hamilton).

The Caerus proposal to OTI, which I obtained, emphasizes the company’s extensive experience with counterinsurgency, surveillance, and data collection in Afghanistan as well as its ties to OTI. Many Caerus staffers “have worked directly for [OTI] developing policy, implementing field programs, and managing program evaluations based on stabilization goals and objectives,” it says.

CAI, the prime contractor for Honduras Convive, deferred all questions about the project to USAID. But a CAI spokesperson said that “Creative doesn’t do counterinsurgency work and doesn’t have anybody on staff involved in counterinsurgency.”

* * *

“U.S. policies and assistance have often undermined prosperity, stability, and democracy in the region.” —Alex Main, NACLA Report

The AID/OTI program was part of a grand US plan to improve security in Central America by building closer ties with local military forces and using US troops to train their police. Honduras has become a litmus test for the plan.

Today, hundreds of US Special Forces and Navy SEALs are training Honduran units for civilian law enforcement. The plan is “driven by the hope that beefing up police operations will stabilize a small country closer to home,” The Wall Street Journal reported. The training is set to expand in the $1 billion “Alliance for Prosperity” program for the region that was unveiled in late January of 2015 by Vice President Joe Biden.

Main, the CEPR analyst, says Central Americans should greet the Biden plan with skepticism. “From the U.S.-backed dirty wars of the 1980s to the broken promises of economic development under the Central American Free Trade Agreement, the historical record shows that U.S. policies and assistance have often undermined prosperity, stability, and democracy in the region,” he wrote last year in NACLA Report on the Americas.

In Honduras, Main told me, the overriding US interest has been “keeping this government in power.” The “window dressing” of Honduras Convive, he added, has “been going on pretty much since the coup.” Many observers, including lawmakers, agree.

“I’ve been pretty much appalled by US policy with respect to Honduras.” —Lawrence Wilkerson, former adviser to Colin Powell

On March 16, 730 scholars organized by the Council on Hemispheric Affairs signed a letter urging the State Department to demand human rights accountability in its dealings with Honduras. “We are deeply concerned that the U.S. government condones and supports the current Honduran government by sending financial and technical support to strengthen the Honduran military and police, institutions that have been responsible for human rights violations since the coup d’état of 2009,” the letter stated.

That same week, 23 members of Congress and the AFL-CIO called on Secretary of State John Kerry to address the violence in Honduras directed against trade unionists and human rights defenders. And on March 14, activists with SOA Watch, which opposes the School of the Americas, where many Honduran and Central American military leaders have been trained, raised a banner in front of USAID’s headquarters in Washington reading “Stop Funding Murder in Honduras!”

“I’ve been pretty much appalled by US policy with respect to Honduras,” Lawrence Wilkerson, the former deputy to Secretary of State Colin Powell, told me when I brought OTI’s Honduras program to his attention in an interview last year. “If I could sum it up for what it’s been for so many years, that’s protecting all the criminals in power, basically for US commercial interests.”

Origen: How Hillary Clinton Militarized US Policy in Honduras

She used a State Department office closely involved with counterinsurgency efforts in Afghanistan and Iraq to aid the coup regime in Honduras.

n 2012, as Honduras descended into social and political chaos in the wake of a US-sanctioned military coup, the civilian aid arm of Hillary Clinton’s State Department spent over $26 million on a propaganda program aimed at encouraging anti-violence “alliances” between Honduran community groups and local police and security forces.

The program, called “Honduras Convive,” was designed by the US Agency for International Development (USAID) to reduce violent crimes in a country that had simultaneously become the murder capital of the world and a staging ground for one of the largest deployments of US Special Operations forces outside of the Middle East.

It was part of a larger US program to support the conservative government of Pepe Lobo, who came to power in 2009 after the Honduran military ousted the elected president, José Manuel Zelaya, in a coup that was widely condemned in Central America. In reality, critics say, the program was an attempt by the State Department to scrub the image of a country where security forces have a record of domestic repression that continues to the present day.

“This was all about erasing memories of the coup and the structural causes of violence.” —Adrienne Pine, American University

“This was all about erasing memories of the coup and the structural causes of violence,” says Adrienne Pine, an assistant professor of anthropology at American University who spent the 2013-14 school year teaching at the National Autonomous University of Honduras. “It’s related to the complete absence of participatory democracy in Honduras, in which the United States is deeply complicit.”

“With the coup, Clinton had a real opportunity to do the right thing and shift US policy to respect democratic processes,” added Alex Main, an expert on US policy in Central America at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, after being told of the program. “But she completely messed it up, and we’re seeing the consequences of it now.”

Honduras Convive (“Honduras Coexists”) was the brainchild of the Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI), a controversial unit of USAID that operates overseas much like the CIA did during the Cold War.

Sanctioned by Congress in 1994, OTI intervenes under the direction of the State Department, the Pentagon, and other security agencies in places like Afghanistan, Haiti, and Colombia to boost support for local governments backed by the United States. Sometimes, as it has in Cuba and Venezuela, its programs are directed at stirring opposition to leftist regimes. Clinton gave the office a major boost after she became Secretary of State; its programs are overseen by an under secretary of state as well as the top administrator of USAID.
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OTI’s activities, the Congressional Research Service noted in a 2009 report, “are overtly political” and based on the idea that “timely and creative” US assistance can “tip the balance” toward outcomes “that advance U.S. foreign policy objectives.”

In Honduras, OTI seems to have followed the model it set in Iraq, where it sent some of the first US aid personnel after the 2003 invasion. At the time, CRS said, OTI’s strategy in Iraq was to convey “the tangible benefits of the regime change.”

The objective of Honduras Convive is spelled out on USAID’s website: “To disrupt the systems, perceptions and behaviors that support violence by building alliances between the communities and the state (especially the police and security forces).” A USAID official confirmed that the program is still ongoing, but played down US ties with Honduran security forces. Convive, he said, is “working in communities to build the capacity of civil society and government institutions, while strengthening community cohesion.” It was initiated “at the request of USAID and the broader U.S. Government due to high levels of violence in Honduras,” he added. “The beneficiaries of the Convive program are the Honduran people.” Much of the country’s violence is blamed on gangs and drug cartels and has led thousands of Hondurans to send their children north to flee the region.

But contractor documents obtained about the program show that it was based in part on communications strategies to win “hearts and minds” developed during the counterinsurgency phase of the US wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Several OTI officials and contractors overseeing the project came to Honduras from Afghanistan, where they managed the civilian, nation-building side of the war. They included Miguel Reabold, OTI’s country representative in Honduras, who previously represented OTI in Afghanistan.

Part of the project was subcontracted to a company owned by counterinsurgency adviser David Kilcullen.

In addition, a key part of the project was subcontracted to a company owned by David Kilcullen, who was the senior counterinsurgency adviser to Army General David Petraeus in both Iraq and Afghanistan. Kilcullen’s research methodology, according to a contract proposal I obtained, was “built around a streamlined set of metrics” that provide a “manageable method for assessing counterinsurgency campaigns that can be replicated and customized in other insecure environments.” The contract was submitted to Reabold on October 16, 2012.

The USAID official confirmed that Kilcullen’s company, Caerus Associates, “received two grants totaling approximately $77,000 to assist USAID/OTI to assess licit and illicit networks in San Pedro Sula,” Honduras’s largest and most violent city. But, he added, “the Honduras Convive program is not a counterinsurgency program.”

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In a lengthy e-mail, the official added that Convive “has drawn its lessons from best practices in violence prevention, community policing, and community cohesion from urban environments all over the world.” Since the program began, he insisted, violence has declined. He provided figures showing “marked reductions in homicides between 2013 and 2014 in some of the city’s most dangerous communities,” with declines of between 18 and 46 percent in several municipalities.

“USAID believes that homicides are decreasing due to a combination of factors, included among them a more cohesive community, represented by empowered leaders, working closely with Honduran government partners (including the police); international donors; and complementary USAID programs,” the official wrote in his e-mail.

But nowhere in the USAID documents does the word “coup” appear. The agency’s claims and statistics stand in stark contrast to the situation in Honduras, where civil society has been reeling from a wave of political violence and assassinations perpetuated by what many believe are state-sponsored death squads.

Even as Convive was being formulated in 2012, repression and violence had become a pressing issue for Hondurans. That January, UC-Santa Cruz historian Dana Frank described the carnage in The New York Times, reporting that “more than 300 people have been killed by state security forces since the coup, according to the leading human rights organization Cofadeh.” It appears to be just as bad in 2016.

A month ago, on March 3, the renowned environmental activist Berta Cáceres was murdered in her home by unknown gunmen. Two weeks later, Nelson Garcia, a member of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), co-founded by Cáceres, was shot to death. Since then, thousand of Hondurans have protested what Democracy Now! has described as a “culture of repression and impunity linked to the Honduran government’s support for corporate interests.”
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The killings have brought the US government’s programs in Honduras under increased scrutiny and drawn sharp criticism of Clinton’s covert support for the 2009 coup while she was Secretary of State.

In particular, opponents of Clinton have seized on her own admissions in her autobiography, Hard Choices, that she used her power as Secretary of State to deflect criticism of the coup and shift US backing to the new government. “We strategized on a plan to restore order in Honduras and ensure that free and fair elections could be held quickly and legitimately, which would render the question of Zelaya moot,” Clinton wrote.

In 2014, two years before her murder, Cáceres herself condemned Clinton’s statements about the coup, saying “this demonstrates the meddling of North Americans in our country.” Clinton, she added, “recognized that they didn’t permit Mel Zelaya’s return to the presidency…even though we warned this was going to be very dangerous and that it would permit a barbarity.”

The Clinton campaign did not respond to e-mails seeking comment on her department’s role in Honduras Convive or in shaping US policy toward Honduras. But in March, after Cáceres’s statements on Clinton were reported in The Nation, a campaign official told Latino USA that charges that the former Secretary of State supported the 2009 coup were “simply nonsense.” “Hillary Clinton engaged in active diplomacy that resolved a constitutional crisis and paved the way for legitimate democratic elections,” she said.

* * *

The players in Honduras Convive provide a glimpse into the privatized world of covert operations managed by USAID and OTI, and how they dovetail with broader US foreign-policy goals of supporting governments friendly to US economic and strategic interests. They also show how Hillary Clinton might manage US foreign policy as president.

Under Clinton’s 2010 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review, OTI’s programs were expanded and strengthened, and the State Department pledged to “work much more closely” with the office. “We will build upon OTI’s business model of executing programming tailored to facilitate transition and promote stability in select crisis countries,” the review said. The overall plan for OTI was overseen by a Clinton deputy and the administrator of USAID. Most of its projects are contracted to a group of private aid companies in Washington.

Honduras Convive, for example, was outsourced to Creative Associates International (CAI), a company that has worked closely with USAID’s OTI on projects in Afghanistan, Yemen, and Libya. In 2010, CAI teamed up with OTI to run a clandestine operation in Cuba dubbed “Cuban Twitter,” as revealed in 2014 by the Associated Press. It was designed to use social media to spark anti-government unrest in that country.

A key piece of CAI’s project in Honduras, determining the social networks responsible for violence in the country’s largest city, was subcontracted to Caerus, Kilcullen’s company. It was founded in 2010 while Kilcullen was working as a top counterinsurgency adviser to US and NATO forces in Afghanistan. In addition to advising Petraeus, Kilcullen served during the Bush administration as a senior adviser on counterinsurgency to former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

One of Kilcullen’s first contracts in Afghanistan, according to the Caerus documents I obtained, was to design and manage a $15 million USAID program measuring stability in Afghanistan—a key task of the counterinsurgency effort. Kilcullen also developed close ties to the Office of Transition Initiatives. OTI is “the closest thing we have now to an organizational structure specifically designed to deal with the environments of the last ten to twenty years,” Kilcullen said in a talk to the New America Foundation in 2013.

Like Kilcullen himself, the Caerus contractors who led the Honduras project had extensive experience with the wars in Afghanistan. Stacia George, Caerus’s “Team Leader” on the Honduras project, was employed at Caerus from 2012 to 2014, where one of her tasks was training “Department of Defense professionals on using development as a counterinsurgency tool in Afghanistan” (she is now deputy director of OTI). Another Caerus associate involved in the Honduras program, William Upshur, taught counterinsurgency tactics in Afghanistan for the Army’s 10th Mountain and 82nd Airborne divisions from 2010 to 2013 (he’s now an associate with intelligence contractor Booz Allen Hamilton).

The Caerus proposal to OTI, which I obtained, emphasizes the company’s extensive experience with counterinsurgency, surveillance, and data collection in Afghanistan as well as its ties to OTI. Many Caerus staffers “have worked directly for [OTI] developing policy, implementing field programs, and managing program evaluations based on stabilization goals and objectives,” it says.

CAI, the prime contractor for Honduras Convive, deferred all questions about the project to USAID. But a CAI spokesperson said that “Creative doesn’t do counterinsurgency work and doesn’t have anybody on staff involved in counterinsurgency.”

* * *

“U.S. policies and assistance have often undermined prosperity, stability, and democracy in the region.” —Alex Main, NACLA Report

The AID/OTI program was part of a grand US plan to improve security in Central America by building closer ties with local military forces and using US troops to train their police. Honduras has become a litmus test for the plan.

Today, hundreds of US Special Forces and Navy SEALs are training Honduran units for civilian law enforcement. The plan is “driven by the hope that beefing up police operations will stabilize a small country closer to home,” The Wall Street Journal reported. The training is set to expand in the $1 billion “Alliance for Prosperity” program for the region that was unveiled in late January of 2015 by Vice President Joe Biden.

Main, the CEPR analyst, says Central Americans should greet the Biden plan with skepticism. “From the U.S.-backed dirty wars of the 1980s to the broken promises of economic development under the Central American Free Trade Agreement, the historical record shows that U.S. policies and assistance have often undermined prosperity, stability, and democracy in the region,” he wrote last year in NACLA Report on the Americas.

In Honduras, Main told me, the overriding US interest has been “keeping this government in power.” The “window dressing” of Honduras Convive, he added, has “been going on pretty much since the coup.” Many observers, including lawmakers, agree.

“I’ve been pretty much appalled by US policy with respect to Honduras.” —Lawrence Wilkerson, former adviser to Colin Powell

On March 16, 730 scholars organized by the Council on Hemispheric Affairs signed a letter urging the State Department to demand human rights accountability in its dealings with Honduras. “We are deeply concerned that the U.S. government condones and supports the current Honduran government by sending financial and technical support to strengthen the Honduran military and police, institutions that have been responsible for human rights violations since the coup d’état of 2009,” the letter stated.

That same week, 23 members of Congress and the AFL-CIO called on Secretary of State John Kerry to address the violence in Honduras directed against trade unionists and human rights defenders. And on March 14, activists with SOA Watch, which opposes the School of the Americas, where many Honduran and Central American military leaders have been trained, raised a banner in front of USAID’s headquarters in Washington reading “Stop Funding Murder in Honduras!”

“I’ve been pretty much appalled by US policy with respect to Honduras,” Lawrence Wilkerson, the former deputy to Secretary of State Colin Powell, told me when I brought OTI’s Honduras program to his attention in an interview last year. “If I could sum it up for what it’s been for so many years, that’s protecting all the criminals in power, basically for US commercial interests.”

Origen: How Hillary Clinton Militarized US Policy in Honduras

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OTI’s activities, the Congressional Research Service noted in a 2009 report, “are overtly political” and based on the idea that “timely and creative” US assistance can “tip the balance” toward outcomes “that advance U.S. foreign policy objectives.”

In Honduras, OTI seems to have followed the model it set in Iraq, where it sent some of the first US aid personnel after the 2003 invasion. At the time, CRS said, OTI’s strategy in Iraq was to convey “the tangible benefits of the regime change.”

The objective of Honduras Convive is spelled out on USAID’s website: “To disrupt the systems, perceptions and behaviors that support violence by building alliances between the communities and the state (especially the police and security forces).” A USAID official confirmed that the program is still ongoing, but played down US ties with Honduran security forces. Convive, he said, is “working in communities to build the capacity of civil society and government institutions, while strengthening community cohesion.” It was initiated “at the request of USAID and the broader U.S. Government due to high levels of violence in Honduras,” he added. “The beneficiaries of the Convive program are the Honduran people.” Much of the country’s violence is blamed on gangs and drug cartels and has led thousands of Hondurans to send their children north to flee the region.

But contractor documents obtained about the program show that it was based in part on communications strategies to win “hearts and minds” developed during the counterinsurgency phase of the US wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Several OTI officials and contractors overseeing the project came to Honduras from Afghanistan, where they managed the civilian, nation-building side of the war. They included Miguel Reabold, OTI’s country representative in Honduras, who previously represented OTI in Afghanistan.

Part of the project was subcontracted to a company owned by counterinsurgency adviser David Kilcullen.

In addition, a key part of the project was subcontracted to a company owned by David Kilcullen, who was the senior counterinsurgency adviser to Army General David Petraeus in both Iraq and Afghanistan. Kilcullen’s research methodology, according to a contract proposal I obtained, was “built around a streamlined set of metrics” that provide a “manageable method for assessing counterinsurgency campaigns that can be replicated and customized in other insecure environments.” The contract was submitted to Reabold on October 16, 2012.

The USAID official confirmed that Kilcullen’s company, Caerus Associates, “received two grants totaling approximately $77,000 to assist USAID/OTI to assess licit and illicit networks in San Pedro Sula,” Honduras’s largest and most violent city. But, he added, “the Honduras Convive program is not a counterinsurgency program.”

LIKE THIS? GET MORE OF OUR BEST REPORTING AND ANALYSIS

In a lengthy e-mail, the official added that Convive “has drawn its lessons from best practices in violence prevention, community policing, and community cohesion from urban environments all over the world.” Since the program began, he insisted, violence has declined. He provided figures showing “marked reductions in homicides between 2013 and 2014 in some of the city’s most dangerous communities,” with declines of between 18 and 46 percent in several municipalities.

“USAID believes that homicides are decreasing due to a combination of factors, included among them a more cohesive community, represented by empowered leaders, working closely with Honduran government partners (including the police); international donors; and complementary USAID programs,” the official wrote in his e-mail.

But nowhere in the USAID documents does the word “coup” appear. The agency’s claims and statistics stand in stark contrast to the situation in Honduras, where civil society has been reeling from a wave of political violence and assassinations perpetuated by what many believe are state-sponsored death squads.

Even as Convive was being formulated in 2012, repression and violence had become a pressing issue for Hondurans. That January, UC-Santa Cruz historian Dana Frank described the carnage in The New York Times, reporting that “more than 300 people have been killed by state security forces since the coup, according to the leading human rights organization Cofadeh.” It appears to be just as bad in 2016.

A month ago, on March 3, the renowned environmental activist Berta Cáceres was murdered in her home by unknown gunmen. Two weeks later, Nelson Garcia, a member of the Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH), co-founded by Cáceres, was shot to death. Since then, thousand of Hondurans have protested what Democracy Now! has described as a “culture of repression and impunity linked to the Honduran government’s support for corporate interests.”
GET A DIGITAL SUBSCRIPTION FOR JUST $9.50!
Subscribe

The killings have brought the US government’s programs in Honduras under increased scrutiny and drawn sharp criticism of Clinton’s covert support for the 2009 coup while she was Secretary of State.

In particular, opponents of Clinton have seized on her own admissions in her autobiography, Hard Choices, that she used her power as Secretary of State to deflect criticism of the coup and shift US backing to the new government. “We strategized on a plan to restore order in Honduras and ensure that free and fair elections could be held quickly and legitimately, which would render the question of Zelaya moot,” Clinton wrote.

In 2014, two years before her murder, Cáceres herself condemned Clinton’s statements about the coup, saying “this demonstrates the meddling of North Americans in our country.” Clinton, she added, “recognized that they didn’t permit Mel Zelaya’s return to the presidency…even though we warned this was going to be very dangerous and that it would permit a barbarity.”

The Clinton campaign did not respond to e-mails seeking comment on her department’s role in Honduras Convive or in shaping US policy toward Honduras. But in March, after Cáceres’s statements on Clinton were reported in The Nation, a campaign official told Latino USA that charges that the former Secretary of State supported the 2009 coup were “simply nonsense.” “Hillary Clinton engaged in active diplomacy that resolved a constitutional crisis and paved the way for legitimate democratic elections,” she said.

* * *

The players in Honduras Convive provide a glimpse into the privatized world of covert operations managed by USAID and OTI, and how they dovetail with broader US foreign-policy goals of supporting governments friendly to US economic and strategic interests. They also show how Hillary Clinton might manage US foreign policy as president.

Under Clinton’s 2010 Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review, OTI’s programs were expanded and strengthened, and the State Department pledged to “work much more closely” with the office. “We will build upon OTI’s business model of executing programming tailored to facilitate transition and promote stability in select crisis countries,” the review said. The overall plan for OTI was overseen by a Clinton deputy and the administrator of USAID. Most of its projects are contracted to a group of private aid companies in Washington.

Honduras Convive, for example, was outsourced to Creative Associates International (CAI), a company that has worked closely with USAID’s OTI on projects in Afghanistan, Yemen, and Libya. In 2010, CAI teamed up with OTI to run a clandestine operation in Cuba dubbed “Cuban Twitter,” as revealed in 2014 by the Associated Press. It was designed to use social media to spark anti-government unrest in that country.

A key piece of CAI’s project in Honduras, determining the social networks responsible for violence in the country’s largest city, was subcontracted to Caerus, Kilcullen’s company. It was founded in 2010 while Kilcullen was working as a top counterinsurgency adviser to US and NATO forces in Afghanistan. In addition to advising Petraeus, Kilcullen served during the Bush administration as a senior adviser on counterinsurgency to former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

One of Kilcullen’s first contracts in Afghanistan, according to the Caerus documents I obtained, was to design and manage a $15 million USAID program measuring stability in Afghanistan—a key task of the counterinsurgency effort. Kilcullen also developed close ties to the Office of Transition Initiatives. OTI is “the closest thing we have now to an organizational structure specifically designed to deal with the environments of the last ten to twenty years,” Kilcullen said in a talk to the New America Foundation in 2013.

Like Kilcullen himself, the Caerus contractors who led the Honduras project had extensive experience with the wars in Afghanistan. Stacia George, Caerus’s “Team Leader” on the Honduras project, was employed at Caerus from 2012 to 2014, where one of her tasks was training “Department of Defense professionals on using development as a counterinsurgency tool in Afghanistan” (she is now deputy director of OTI). Another Caerus associate involved in the Honduras program, William Upshur, taught counterinsurgency tactics in Afghanistan for the Army’s 10th Mountain and 82nd Airborne divisions from 2010 to 2013 (he’s now an associate with intelligence contractor Booz Allen Hamilton).

The Caerus proposal to OTI, which I obtained, emphasizes the company’s extensive experience with counterinsurgency, surveillance, and data collection in Afghanistan as well as its ties to OTI. Many Caerus staffers “have worked directly for [OTI] developing policy, implementing field programs, and managing program evaluations based on stabilization goals and objectives,” it says.

CAI, the prime contractor for Honduras Convive, deferred all questions about the project to USAID. But a CAI spokesperson said that “Creative doesn’t do counterinsurgency work and doesn’t have anybody on staff involved in counterinsurgency.”

* * *

“U.S. policies and assistance have often undermined prosperity, stability, and democracy in the region.” —Alex Main, NACLA Report

The AID/OTI program was part of a grand US plan to improve security in Central America by building closer ties with local military forces and using US troops to train their police. Honduras has become a litmus test for the plan.

Today, hundreds of US Special Forces and Navy SEALs are training Honduran units for civilian law enforcement. The plan is “driven by the hope that beefing up police operations will stabilize a small country closer to home,” The Wall Street Journal reported. The training is set to expand in the $1 billion “Alliance for Prosperity” program for the region that was unveiled in late January of 2015 by Vice President Joe Biden.

Main, the CEPR analyst, says Central Americans should greet the Biden plan with skepticism. “From the U.S.-backed dirty wars of the 1980s to the broken promises of economic development under the Central American Free Trade Agreement, the historical record shows that U.S. policies and assistance have often undermined prosperity, stability, and democracy in the region,” he wrote last year in NACLA Report on the Americas.

In Honduras, Main told me, the overriding US interest has been “keeping this government in power.” The “window dressing” of Honduras Convive, he added, has “been going on pretty much since the coup.” Many observers, including lawmakers, agree.

“I’ve been pretty much appalled by US policy with respect to Honduras.” —Lawrence Wilkerson, former adviser to Colin Powell

On March 16, 730 scholars organized by the Council on Hemispheric Affairs signed a letter urging the State Department to demand human rights accountability in its dealings with Honduras. “We are deeply concerned that the U.S. government condones and supports the current Honduran government by sending financial and technical support to strengthen the Honduran military and police, institutions that have been responsible for human rights violations since the coup d’état of 2009,” the letter stated.

That same week, 23 members of Congress and the AFL-CIO called on Secretary of State John Kerry to address the violence in Honduras directed against trade unionists and human rights defenders. And on March 14, activists with SOA Watch, which opposes the School of the Americas, where many Honduran and Central American military leaders have been trained, raised a banner in front of USAID’s headquarters in Washington reading “Stop Funding Murder in Honduras!”

“I’ve been pretty much appalled by US policy with respect to Honduras,” Lawrence Wilkerson, the former deputy to Secretary of State Colin Powell, told me when I brought OTI’s Honduras program to his attention in an interview last year. “If I could sum it up for what it’s been for so many years, that’s protecting all the criminals in power, basically for US commercial interests.”

Origen: How Hillary Clinton Militarized US Policy in Honduras

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Ministro de Seguridad mandó a secuestrar información: María Luisa Borjas

La excomisionada María Luisa Borjas dice que los policías buenos no pueden con la mafia que hay en la institución policial.

Origen: Ministro de Seguridad mandó a secuestrar información: María Luisa Borjas

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Observatorio de los Pueblos Indígenas de Honduras introdujo ante proyecto Ley de Consulta Previa en el Congreso Nacional.

El pasado 30 de marzo, el diputado Rafael Alegría introdujo un anteproyecto de la Ley de la Consulta, Previa, Libre e Informada (CPLI) elaborada por el Observatorio de los Pueblos Indígenas y Negr…

Origen: Observatorio de los Pueblos Indígenas de Honduras introdujo ante proyecto Ley de Consulta Previa en el Congreso Nacional.

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Sociedad civil pide depurar y fortalecer policía tras denuncias – Diario La Tribuna Honduras

Tegucigalpa, (EFE).- Representantes de la sociedad civil pidieron hoy nuevamente al gobierno de Honduras que fortalezca y agilice la depuración de la policía civil, a la que con frecuencia se vincula con la criminalidad que vive el país.

“Un punto importante en este proceso de reforma es concluir de una vez por todas con la depuración policial de esa alta oficialidad que se enriqueció ilícitamente y cometió delitos sin que nadie los sancionará”, dijo en rueda de prensa el coordinador de la ONG Alianza por la Paz y la Justicia (APJ), Omar Rivera.

La corrupción y el crimen ha salpicado a la Policía de Honduras desde hace varios años, pero hasta ahora los intentos por depurar la institución han fracasado por falta de voluntad al más alto nivel, según analistas locales.

“Nadie desea que la policía civil sea delimitada, pero todos debemos estar claro que la mejor forma de fortalecer la Policía es sacando a las manzanas podridas, particularmente a los altos oficiales”, subrayó Rivera.

El proceso de reforma de la Policía “no tendrá el éxito” de no concluirse la depuración policial, enfatizó el coordinador de la APJ, quien exhortó al Gobierno a “investigar, judicializar y sancionar a los altos oficiales”, ya que son “muy mal ejemplo” para los nuevos agentes.

Los altos oficiales de la Policía “continúan con malas prácticas y cometiendo actos ilícitos sin que el Estado los sancioné”, cuestionó.

La petición, apoyada por otros representantes de sociedad civil, fue hecha luego de que el capitalino diario capitalino informara hoy de que la Policía de Honduras asesinó al exasesor antidrogas Alfredo Landaverde, el 7 diciembre de 2011, y al fiscal de Privación de Dominio del Ministerio Público, Orlan Chávez, en abril de 2013.

El mismo diario denunció el lunes que el titular de la Dirección de Lucha Contra el Narcotráfico (DLCN), Julián Arístides González, murió el 18 de abril de 2009 a manos de la Policía.

Según la información periodística, 24 agentes policiales y un civil están implicados en el crimen de Landaverde, exasesor de la Dirección de Lucha Contra el Narcotráfico.

Landaverde iba en su vehículo, acompañado de su esposa, Hilda Caldera, cuando fue asesinado por individuos que iban en motocicleta, el mismo modelo usado en el crimen contra González, conocido como el “zar antidrogas” de Honduras.

Su muerte fue supuestamente planificada por la cúpula de la Policía Nacional y mandos intermedios a petición de un narcotraficante, de acuerdo a la misma publicación, que está en poder del Ministerio Público y de la Secretaría de Seguridad.

Según la misma información, agentes y oficiales de la Policía Nacional también fueron los autores intelectuales y materiales del asesinato del fiscal de Privación de Dominio del Ministerio Público, Orlan Chávez, el 18 de abril de 2013.

La rectora de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras (UNAH), Julieta Castellanos, dijo en la misma rueda de prensa que “no hay avances” en la depuración policial, y denunció que todavía hay miembros de esa institución que “están coludidos con el delito y son operadores del crimen”.

Castellanos pidió que el órgano encargado de investigar y evaluar a agentes policiales sea “autónomo” y un “ente colegiado” para garantizar un proceso de depuración “permanente”.

La rectora de la UNAH aseguró que le “duele” que agentes y oficiales de la Policía estén implicados en crímenes y otros delitos, porque Honduras necesita una institución “fuerte” y que se “respete la ley” para erradicar la impunidad que impera en el país.

Origen: Sociedad civil pide depurar y fortalecer policía tras denuncias – Diario La Tribuna Honduras

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Francia reitera apoyo a Honduras en materia de seguridad – Diario La Tribuna Honduras

El enviado personal del presidente de Francia para América Latina y el Caribe, Jean Pierre Bel, reiteró el apoyo de su país a Honduras en materia de seguridad.

El funcionario extranjero se reunió este día con el vicepresidente del Congreso Nacional, Antonio Rivera Callejas y el diputado Óscar Álvarez, en representación del titular del Poder Legislativo, Mauricio Oliva.

Durante la reunión, Bel indicó que el mandatario francés, François Hollande, le dio la misión de dar un mensaje de amistad al presidente del Congreso de Honduras, Mauricio Oliva.

Asimismo, manifestó que le encomendó tener un permanente e intenso acercamiento con el gobierno de Honduras, en los temas de seguridad y trabajar de la mano con el pueblo hondureño, compartiendo experiencias después de los ataques terroristas vividos en ese país europeo.

Como punto de referencia, el diplomático explicó que el objetivo específico de la reunión fue para abordar el tema sobre la diplomacia parlamentaria, ya que ahora las asambleas pueden participar y hacer vínculos entre países amigos, compartiendo experiencias y conociendo las fuerzas de seguridad que tiene cada país.

Agregó que la producción legislativa del Congreso Nacional es importante por la participación de varios partidos políticos que lo integran, lo cual es señal de la verdadera democracia que debe prevalecer en todos los países.

Calificó como importante la creación del nuevo Código Penal y las reformas a las otras leyes que han contribuido a mejorar el Estado de derecho en el país, de forma transparente.

En la reunión también participó el embajador de Francia en Honduras, Pierre Christian Soccoja, y Jonathan Dupainn, agregado de cooperación.

Origen: Francia reitera apoyo a Honduras en materia de seguridad – Diario La Tribuna Honduras

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Señalan a Oscar Álvarez de estar coludido con “la mafia de la Policía” – NotiBomba

La ex Comisionada de la Policía y actual regidora de la capital, Maria Luisa Borjas, hizo serios señ

Origen: Señalan a Oscar Álvarez de estar coludido con “la mafia de la Policía” – NotiBomba

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Fact-finding continues into 22-MW Agua Zarca hydroelectric project

On April 1, the Central American Bank for Economic Integration (CABEI), which is involved in financing the Agua Zarca project, announced it would send emissaries on a fact-finding mission to speak with members of communities near the hydroelectric project and also government officials.

The 22-MW Agua Zarca small hydroelectric project located on the Gualcarque River, is estimated to cost more than US$30 million, is planned for Santa Barbara and Intibuca in Honduras.

Agua Zarca is being developed by energy company Desarrollos Energeticos S.A. (DESA). CABEI co-financed a loan for up to $24.4 million to DESA to partially finance the development, construction, installation and start up of the Agua Zarca project, pursuant to the global investment plan approved by CABEI.

After the visits, the bank said, it will analyze “actions to be taken with regards to the Agua Zarca hydroelectric project” in conjunction with the Dutch development bank FMO.

FMO reportedly finances about US$86 million worth of projects in Honduras.

FMO said last month that it was suspending its operations in Honduras — including for the Agua Zarca project — following the killings of of indigenous leader Berta Caceres. Caceres was shot four times by gunmen who broke into her home, and one of her colleagues was killed two weeks later.

CABEI has offices in five Central American countries that include: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. The organization also conducts business in Belize and Panama.

Meanwhile, Honduran authorities said last week that they had carried out a raid March 13 on DESA offices in search of possible evidence in Caceres’ killing.

Prosecutors’ spokesman Yuri Mora said agents confiscated some documents and weapons used by company guards that will be examined.

It was not clear why the raid, which took place March 13, was not made public before. Company officials have not commented on the raid.

http://www.hydroworld.com/articles/2016/04/fact-finding-continues-into-22-mw-agua-zarca-hydroelectric-project.html?cmpid=EnlHydroApril122016&eid=294532658&bid=1367712

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Hija de Berta Cáceres denuncia que puede ser asesinada

El Estado hondureño busca callar a los pueblos indígenas y despojarlos de sus territorios, denunció Olivia Zúñiga.

Origen: Hija de Berta Cáceres denuncia que puede ser asesinada

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Seguridad desvincula a actual cúpula policial con crimen del zar antidrogas

a Secretaría de Seguridad emitió este lunes un comunicado de prensa, en el cual se desvincula a la actual cúpula de la Policía Nacional  de los señalamientos por el asesinato del zar antidrogas, Julián Arístides González.

En el escrito, las autoridades aseguran que la actual estructura de mando de la Policía Nacional no forma parte de la cúpula policial que supuestamente ordenó la muerte del exjefe de la Dirección de Lucha contra el Narcotráfico (DLCN).

Además expresan la necesidad que el Congreso Nacional discuta y apruebe la nueva Ley Orgánica de la Policía Nacional, para garantizar el profesionalismo de sus miembros.

En el 2011, dos años después del asesinato, la esposa del zar antidrogas denunció que altos oficiales de la Policía Nacional estaban ligados al hecho.

http://www.latribuna.hn/2016/04/04/seguridad-desvincula-actual-cupula-policial-crimen-del-zar-antidrogas/

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Presidente Hernández ordena llevar a la justicia a policías involucrados en la muerte de Arístides Gonzales – Diario La Tribuna Honduras

El Presidente, Juan Orlando Hernández, anunció hoy que giró instrucciones para la suspensión y puesta a la orden de la Fiscalía y de la justicia a los miembros de la Policía Nacional que participaron en el asesinato del titular de la Dirección de Lucha contra el Narcotráfico (DLCN) del Ministerio Público, Julián Arístides Gonzales Irías, en 2009.

En comparecencia de prensa en Casa de Gobierno, el mandatario detalló que “le giré instrucciones precisas al ministro de Seguridad (Julián Pacheco Tinoco): todo miembro de la Policía Nacional, sea agente u oficial, que supuestamente sea responsable de haber participado en el asesinato del titular de la DLCN y que aparezca en el informe, debe ser suspendido de inmediato y puesto a la orden de la justicia”.

Origen: Presidente Hernández ordena llevar a la justicia a policías involucrados en la muerte de Arístides Gonzales – Diario La Tribuna Honduras

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Subdirector de la Policía: ‘No vamos a ocultar ningún documento’ –

El subdirector de la Policía Nacional, comisionado Quintín Juárez, dijo la noche este lunes que “no vamos a ocultar ningún documento, ninguna información, o ningún hecho punible, ya sea oficial o escala básica tiene que responder por sus actos”.

Lo anterior lo dijo en torno a la intervención de la Agencia Técnica de Investigación Criminal (ATIC) y la Policía Militar del Orden Público (PMOP) de la sede policial de Casamata, donde los agentes llegaron en busca de documentación sobre la muerte del exjefe de la Dirección de Lucha Contra el Narcotráfico (DLCN), Julián Arístides Gonzales Irías, asesinado por sicarios el 8 de diciembre del 2009.

El oficial agregó que los policías involucrados en el crimen deben de “someterlos al imperio de la ley,  el que haya cometido un acto ilícito va a tener que dar cuenta ya sea por acción o por omisión”.

Los agentes de la ATIC buscan un informe que revela la participación de la excúpula policial en la muerte de Gonzales Irías, el que fue divulgado hoy por un medio capitalino.

“Todos tenemos que responder por nuestros actos, nos sometemos al imperio de la ley como servidores públicos que somos”, abundó el oficial Juárez.

Dijo que desconoce por qué se ha intervenido Casamata y que “somos respetuosos y garantes de las leyes”.

A la vez, aprovechó para enviar un mensaje a los oficiales de la policía y de la escala básica que continúen con su trabajo normal que la Policía Nacional es una institución de carácter de servicio para proteger y servir.

Origen: Subdirector de la Policía: ‘No vamos a ocultar ningún documento’ – Diario La Tribuna Honduras

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El portavoz de la Policía Militar del Orden Público (PMOP), Mario Rivera, expresó este lunes que 45 institutos públicos de la capital poseen presencia de elementos del Ejército para advertir a los jóvenes sobre los daños ocasionados por las drogas.

“Es un programa orientado a la capacitación de los jóvenes de 45 institutos de la capital para que ellos conozcan los perjudicial que representa el consumo de las drogas para el organismo, la familia y para el país”, subrayó.

Asimismo, manifestó que “tenemos una presencia bastante grande en estos institutos y el objetivo es dar ese mensaje preventivo, ese mensaje de esperanza para que jóvenes que están metidos en las drogas”.

Por lucha antidrogas se militarizan 45 institutos públicos en la capital

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Observatorio de la Violencia: menores de 30 años son los que más mueren en Honduras – Tiempo.hn

Los menores de 30 años son los que mas mueren asesinados en Honduras, según Observatorio de la Violencia de UNAH.

Origen: Observatorio de la Violencia: menores de 30 años son los que más mueren en Honduras – Tiempo.hn

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Colombia ofrece apoyo a la Alianza para la Prosperidad en Centroamérica

El presidente colombiano, Juan Manuel Santos, reiteró el lunes el apoyo de su país a Guatemala, Honduras y El Salvador en la implementación del plan de la Alianza para la Prosperidad en el Triángulo Norte de Centroamérica, para el que el Congreso de EUA aprobó una partida de 750 millones de dólares.

Santos, tras una reunión privada con el presidente guatemalteco, Jimmy Morales, recordó cómo en su país se desarrolló, también con el apoyo de Estados Unidos, el Plan Colombia, ideado para luchar contra el narcotráfico y la guerrilla y para focalizar esfuerzos en materia social.

Precisamente Santos cree que este punto puede ser de gran experiencia para los países que integran el Triángulo Norte, ya que “en la lucha contra el crimen organizado, contra la inseguridad, tiene que haber también un componente social para ser más efectivos”.

“(Ya) se ha hablado para triangular esa ayuda”, resumió Santos y añadió que esta disposición, patente desde los primeros pasos, estará también disponible en el futuro: “Hay experiencias que pueden ser muy útiles”.

El Salvador, Guatemala y Honduras buscan generar desarrollo económico con la creación de empleos, estabilidad social con programas de combate a los carteles de la droga y reducir así los niveles de migración hacia Estados Unidos.

Origen: Colombia ofrece apoyo a la Alianza para la Prosperidad en Centroamérica

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Comunicado REMA y MAPDER sobre regreso de Gustavo Castro

A través del presente comunicado las y los integrantes de la Red Mexicana de Afectados por la Minería (REMA) y el Movimiento Mexicano de Afectados por las Presas y en Defensa de los Ríos (MAPDER) queremos informar que los días 31 de marzo y 01 de abril del año en curso, la Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores (SRE), emitió dos comunicados -134/135-, en los cuales realiza afirmaciones sobre los resultados de su gestión vinculada al connacional Gustavo Castro Soto, integrante de REMA/Otros Mundos-Chiapas, quien fue retenido de forma innecesaria, ilegal e injusta en Honduras, aún y a pesar de ser víctima y haber recibido el estatus de testigo protegido, por la causa haber presenciado el cobarde asesinato de la compañera Berta Cáceres, además de salvar la vida del atetando que él mismo sufrió.

Al respecto de los comunicados de la SRE queremos aclarar lo siguiente:

  1. La embajada de México en Honduras bajo la tutela de la embajadora Dolores Jiménez Hernández y del Pedro Barragán, realizaron una excelente actuación de protección garantizando, en todo momento y desde la primera hora, la seguridad e integridad de nuestro compañero Gustavo Castro Soto. Nuestro profundo agradecimiento por su atinada labor y porque la calidez mostrada hacia un connacional durante toda su estancia es digno de mencionar, toda vez que este tipo de actos por parte de nuestros funcionarios mexicanos, son más una excepción que una regla. Nos congratulamos por ello.
  2. Tenemos discrepancias con partes del contenido de los comunicados emitidos por la SRE en México, porque no es verdad que debido a “las constantes gestiones y solicitudes presentadas por el gobierno mexicano, las autoridades hondureñas reconocen que el Sr. Castro ha venido colaborando de la manera más amplia posible en las investigaciones y que podrá seguir haciéndolo en el marco del Tratado de Asistencia Jurídica Mutua vigente entre ambos países”. El reconocimiento a la colaboración de Gustavo es únicamente resultado de la disponibilidad personal del propio Gustavo y no tiene que ver en absoluto con la gestión del gobierno mexicano, por el contrario, lamentamos que desde México la SRE no haya fortalecido el trabajo ni diplomático ni jurídico, para que se lograra la implementación del Tratado de Asistencia Jurídica Mutua. Gustavo sale de Honduras sin tratado alguno porque la SRE desde México fue incapaz de presionar al gobierno hondureño para su implementación, y en dos de las tres reuniones que sostuvimos con ellos, siempre nos manifestaron que era prioritaria la diplomacia, a pesar de que siempre les manifestamos que “no era correcto” que se hablara de diplomacia cuando lo sucedido a Gustavo estaba totalmente relacionado con la violación de sus derechos, por lo tanto, estábamos ante un hecho flagrante de violaciones tanto de las leyes hondureñas como de los tratados internacionales relacionados con la atención de victimas.
  3. En su comunicado citan la constante comunicación establecida con Otros mundos/amigos de la tierra México, mismas en las que participamos como REMA. La comunicación por parte de la SRE en México, estuvo circunscrita a tres reuniones presenciales, una primera para definir una ruta conjunta de trabajo, en donde Otros Mundos y REMA fuimos quienes solicitamos la aplicación del Tratado; la segunda reunión para que nos mostraran los avances de sus gestiones, mismas que nunca pudimos corroborar por medio de ningún documento o minuta de trabajo, a la vez que nosotros les entregamos información que desconocían, la cual era útil para su mediación diplomática y; la tercer reunión se realizó en el marco de la negativa rotunda por parte de la Sra., secretaria la Lic. Claudia Ruiz Massieu quien simplemente por motivos de “agenda” fue incapaz de recibir a la familia de Gustavo a pesar de realizar una solicitud expresa. Esta negativa refleja la poca sensibilidad de la señora secretaria, además de que abre la puerta a la especulación sobre sus diferentes forma de actuar cuando, por ejemplo, está de por medio su apoyo a connacionales de su partido político a quienes, aun en categoría de imputados, sacan de España casi de forma inmediata y bajo un despliegue mediático impresionante.
  4. La SRE miente cuando hace suponer que “La comunicación mantenida entre las autoridades de México y Honduras durante todo el proceso refleja el excelente estado de las relaciones que existen entre los dos países, la pertinencia del marco jurídico que ambas naciones han construido, así como el compromiso de atender aquellos casos en los que estén involucrados nuestros connacionales”. Reiteramos que la retención de Gustavo estuvo siempre enmarcada en la incertidumbre, opacidad e ilegalidad de la actuación del gobierno hondureño, por lo tanto, fue una acción violatoria de sus derechos que le acrecentó daños psicológicos. Por otra parte, la pertinencia del marco jurídico entre ambas naciones nunca fue instrumentada. El tratado bilateral de asistencia mutua es como si no existiera y la SRE no tiene documentos que hagan valer ese supuesto excelente estado de las relaciones entre ambos países, porque a nosotros nunca nos entregaron un sólo oficio de respuesta del gobierno hondureño a pesar de las peticiones que realizamos para ello.
  5. Lamentamos que la SRE se jacte de que sus gestiones fueron la causal para que Gustavo regresara a México. Los recursos jurídicos interpuestos por los abogados de Gustavo, los amicus, la medidas cautelares solicitadas por organizaciones, el trabajo de la misión internacional, y la gran presión política y mediática generada por cientos de voces y movimientos en el mundo, fueron acorralando al gobierno hondureño quien resistió varias semanas los embates, hasta que finalmente les fue insostenible seguir manteniendo retenido a Gustavo por más tiempo y de forma injustificada. Ambos gobiernos jugaron al desgaste de la presión política y mediática y fueron incapaces de aplicar el único instrumento legal que existe; el tratado de asistencia mutua.

La Red Mexicana de Afectados por la Minería lamenta la pobre actuación política, diplomática y de falta de respeto a las leyes y a los derechos humanos que desde México realizó la SRE para un connacional que fue re-victimizado y violentado por el estado hondureño.

“Cuando las leyes se violan, los “buenos oficios” diplomáticos o la diplomacia en sí misma no puede ser utilizada como un medio o mecanismo de paz y cordialidad para quien violenta las leyes y viola los derechos humanos. La diplomacia en si misma debe ser una fuerza permanente de legalidad, certidumbre, transparencia, de no impunidad y de libre determinación”.

Red Mexicana de Afectados por la Minería -REMA-
Movimiento Mexicano de Afectados por las Presas y en Defensa de los Ríos -MAPDER-

http://movimientom4.org/2016/04/comunicado-rema-y-mapder-sobre-regreso-de-gustavo-castro/

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Esposa de presidente hondureño dice que pocos niños migran a EE.UU.

La esposa del presidente Juan Hernández dijo que hasta mediados de marzo anterior, la cifra de “menores no acompañados” disminuyó en un 43 por ciento y, en 2015, 70 de cada 100 niños no migraron.

 

Redacción Central / EL LIBERTADOR

 

Tegucigalpa. La migración de menores de edad a EE.UU. se redujo de manera considerable en 2015, dijo Ana de Hernández, esposa del presidente hondureño Juan Hernández.

 

Dijo que hasta mediados de marzo anterior, la cifra de “menores no acompañados” (que viajan solos a EE.UU.) disminuyó en un 43 por ciento y el año anterior hubo hasta una reducción de un 70 por ciento, o sea que 70 de cada 100 niños no migraron.

 

García aseguró que el gobierno hondureño “brinda una mano amiga, abrazo y oportunidades a todos los compatriotas que retornan vía terrestre y aérea tanto de México como los Estados Unidos en los centros de recepción que son atendidos con calidad y calidez humana”

 

“Acá les brindamos toda la oferta social del Estado para que vean las oportunidades que existen y cumplan sus sueños en nuestro país”, dijo.

 

 

Mencionó que se han realizado alianzas la agencia especializada de la ONU para la infancia (Unicef) con programas como “Retorno a la alegría” con el que se busca atender a los menores retornados en sus comunidades y firmado acuerdos con las alcaldías para que en sus municipios den seguimiento a cada familia retornada.

http://www.web.ellibertador.hn/index.php/noticias/nacionales/1183-esposa-de-presidente-hondureno-dice-que-pocos-ninos-migran-a-ee-uu

Primer auditor Social de Honduras.

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Policía Nacional de Honduras se lava las manos con el crimen del “zar antidrogas” – CRITERIO

Por: Redacción CRITERIO redaccion@criterio.hn Tegucigalpa.-Una improcedente posición asumieron este lunes las autoridades de la Policía Nacional de Honduras al desvincularse del crimen contra el general (r) Arístides Gonzales Irías y excusarse que cuando se cometió el repudiable suceso, el 8 diciembre de 2009, ellos no eran parte de la cúpula de esa institución. Lejos de […]

Origen: Policía Nacional de Honduras se lava las manos con el crimen del “zar antidrogas” – CRITERIO

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Policía Nacional es intervenida por la Policía Militar y ATIC – CRITERIO

Por: Redacción CRITERIO redaccion@criterio.hn Tegucigalpa.-El cuartel general de Casamata donde se ubican las instalaciones de la Policía Nacional de Honduras ha sido intervenido esta noche por un nutrido contingente de la Policía Militar del Orden Público (PMOP) y de la Agencia Técnica de Investigación Criminal (ATIC). La intervención inició a eso de las 7:00 de […]

Origen: Policía Nacional es intervenida por la Policía Militar y ATIC – CRITERIO

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Cúpula policial planificó y asesinó al zar antidrogas

Un informe investigativo detalla como la cúpula policial y mandos intermedios del 2009 planificaron y ejecutaron el vil asesinato

Extracto:

Tegucigalpa, Honduras
“¡Ajá!, ¿y los gatilleros ya los tenemos?”, preguntó el comisionado general X al comisionado general Y, quien responde: sí, -sonríe, mira al subcomisario X y pregunta: “¿Ya los tenemos, verdad? y este contesta: “Sí señor, ya los tenemos, tenemos cuatro motorizados completos”.

Eran las 6:00 de la tarde con 17 minutos y 26 segundos del domingo 29 de noviembre de 2009 cuando la suerte del general retirado y titular de la Dirección de Lucha contra el Narcotráfico (DLCN) del Ministerio Público, Julián Arístides González Irías, quedó echada.

El informe investigativo DGPN-DED2-DI-No. 1101-2009 de la Dirección de Inteligencia Policial, así como toda una serie de declaraciones testificales, tres videos y patrones fotográficos, entre otras evidencias en poder de la Inspectoría General de la Policía Nacional, de la Secretaría de Seguridad y del Ministerio Público, detallan cómo la cúpula policial y mandos intermedios de aquel momento planificaron y ejecutaron -el 8 de diciembre de 2009- el asesinato de González Irías, a petición de un narcotraficante de Colón.

De acuerdo con las evidencias encontradas, la planificación del crimen -en la oficina de la dirección de la Policía- y su ejecución no fueron perfectas, los responsables dejaron huellas por todos lados.

Esta investigación archivada por los operadores de la ley refleja que la falta de justicia sobre este hecho se sostiene únicamente por un sistema carcomido por la impunidad y la falta de voluntad de los entes especializados contra la corrupción policial, que en seis años mantienen el caso en la total impunidad.

Como este crimen no ha sido judicializado y los delitos contra la vida no prescriben, EL HERALDO se reserva por hoy los nombres de los oficiales señalados, así como sus cargos, con excepción de aquellos mencionados en el informe investigativo que ya están muertos. Lo que sí se revela son los rangos de los implicados.

En poder de EL HERALDO se encuentran los nombres de los autores intelectuales y materiales, los testimonios, videos y otras evidencias recogidas por la propia policía, donde se inculpa a su cúpula en este crimen.

Origen: Cúpula policial planificó y asesinó al zar antidrogas

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Retención de Gustavo Castro en Honduras fue ilegal, arbitraria y violatoria de derechos fundamentales

En la sede del Instituto Mexicano de Derechos Humanos y Democracia (IMDHD), el sociólogo y ambientalista Gustavo Castro, testigo clave en el asesinato de la dirigente indígena lenca Berta Cáceres (perpetrado el 3 de marzo), denunció junto a su equipo de abogados que su retención en Honduras por parte de las autoridades judiciales, fue arbitraria, ilegal y violatoria a sus derechos fundamentales.

“Preocupa a los defensores y defensoras de derechos humanos que Gustavo Castro haya sido sujeto de una detención arbitraria, porque fue detenido sin haber recibido las notificaciones permanentes, que no se garantizara el derecho al debido proceso; ya que hay toda una serie de irregularidades que él estuvo viviendo y sufriendo por acciones arbitrarias y excesivas de las autoridades, de la Fiscalía y del Poder Judicial de Honduras”, se expuso en un comunicado.

El comunicado añadió que no se garantizó un plazo razonable para que Gustavo estuviera en Honduras cooperando como lo hizo, sin duda, en términos de dar toda la información que tenía a las autoridades de la Fiscalía hondureña, sobre todo existiendo un tratado de cooperación que por un lado garantizaba un marco legal para que Gustavo regresara una vez que había hecho las necesarias diligencias y que en caso de que hubiera nuevos requerimientos, se puedan realizar de acuerdo con las vías diplomáticas, lo que de acuerdo a nuestra opinión fue una violación más.

Por su parte Gustavo Castro Coordinador de Otros Mundos, Chiapas, agradeció el apoyo mostrado por diversas organizaciones de derechos humanos tanto en México, Honduras y de la comunidad internacional.

Castro dijo que la situación en Honduras es terrible ante los ojos del mundo entero, porque hay una situación grave de derechos humanos y de criminalización de defensoras y defensores de los derechos humanos de los recursos, de las tierras, campesinas e indígenas.

El sociólogo y ambientalista destacó que cuando se produjo el asesinato de Berta Cáceres (el 3 de marzo en la casa de la reconocida dirigenta indígena lenca localizada en La Esperanza, Intibucá), se estaba desarrollando un taller sobre alternativas energéticas locales, del cual él era un facilitador.

En ese taller se vio la necesidad de resistir a grandes mega-proyectos que están invadiendo sus territorios, a grandes proyectos mineros y de represas y otros monocultivos de palma africana que están destrozando sus vidas, están violando sus derechos humanos, que están afectando el acceso al agua y afectados también por la fuerte criminalización y asesinatos de los defensores y defensoras que están luchando por ellos, pero también por todos nosotros y por el planeta entero dijo Castro.

En ese contexto de ese taller que apenas se iniciaba, fue cuando se dio el atentado y después de eso fue lo que ya se ha hablado bastante en la prensa de la forma en cómo el mismo gobierno empezó a buscar investigaciones, en medio de muchas dificultades y también presiones nacionales e internacionales para esclarecer un crimen que conmocionó a todo el país y al mundo entero, explicó Castro.

Defensores en linea

Origen: Retención de Gustavo Castro en Honduras fue ilegal, arbitraria y violatoria de derechos fundamentales

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